I have great news for those interested in consular diplomacy. Recently, there have been a few new and fascinating publications on the subject.
 
The evolution of the consular institution.
 
Let´s start with the work of Iver B. Neumann and Halvard Leira, two prominent consular affairs scholars. The chapter “The evolution of the consular institution” of the book Diplomatic Tense (2020) analyzes the development of the consular institution from an evolutionary perspective.
 
This book chapter broadens the authors' previous studies, such as “Consular Representation in an Emerging State: The case of Norway” (2008), “The many past lives of the Consul” (2011), and “Judges, Merchants and Envoys: The Growth and Development of the Consular Institution” (2013).
 
In “the evolution of the consular institution”, Neumann and Leira examine the evolution of the consular functions, using as a reference “tipping points, understood as the culmination of long-term trends.”[i] They evaluate the process based on the concepts of variation, stabilization, and institutionalization of the consular function.[ii]
 
The three tipping points of the consular institution identified are:

1. “Trading colonies, often sea; from the Six century BCE; Agents: Traders as judges
2. Colonies of trades and other; from the Sixteenth century; Agents: Traders as state representatives
3. Citizens abroad; from the Nineteenth century; Agents: MFA employees and honoraries”.[iii]

 
It is very interesting to learn how the consular functions of the West Mediterranean influenced the East Mediterranean consular practices. Later, the change of the consular institution came in the opposite direction. Besides, the Hanseatic League´s consular procedures also made their mark on the consular institution before spreading to the rest of the world.[iv]
 
Neumann and Leira dug deeper into the Ottoman Empire´s impact on the extraterritorially of the consuls, also known in the Eastern Mediterranean as capitulations. They also distinguished between the extraterritorial practice used by Europeans in the Mediterranean Sea, which started as a privilege granted by the Muslim rulers to the one applied in East Asia, which was based on domination.[v]
 
Interestingly enough, the extraterritoriality also affected the Western Hemisphere's new republics. In 1838-39, Mexico suffered the French intervention, known as the “Guerra de los Pasteles” or Pastry War, because of the protection of French nationals affected by the country’s continuous civil wars.[vi]
 
The chapter also explains the diplomatization process of consular affairs, which culminated in the 20th century with the complete incorporation of the consulates into the diplomatic realm. The process started as states claimed their sovereignty rights, thus questioning the extraterritoriality activities of foreign consuls at home and turning overseas merchants working as consuls into state employees or at least the designation of local citizens as honorary consuls. The process was slow and uneven; therefore, there were a lot of different variations, even at the beginning of the last century. [vii]
 
At the end of the chapter, the authors ask if an upcoming tipping point could result in the separation of the consular function from diplomacy.[viii] I argue that the opposite is happening. The new tipping point already occurred with the rise of consular diplomacy.
 
I highly recommend not only the chapter “The evolution of the consular institution” but the whole book Diplomatic Tense. It brings a very innovative view of diplomacy from an evolutionary standpoint, using tipping points to understand better its development through the centuries. Besides, it includes various analyses, from how diplomacy is portrayed in the world of Harry Potter to the visual relevance of new ambassadors' accreditation ceremonies and a hegemonic perspective on the physical appearance of diplomats.
 
The role of cities in the development of the consular institution
 
The second work, “The Intercity Origins of Diplomacy: Consuls, Empires and the Sea,” written by Halvard Leira and Benjamin de Carvalho, was published in June 2021 in Diplomatica. A Journal of Diplomacy and Society. In it, the authors “want to prove the connection between cites and diplomacy through problematizing what has counted as diplomacy.”[ix]
 
The article effortlessly links the idea that cities, not states, played a vital role in developing the consular institutions and diplomacy itself. Leira and de Carvalho offer a different angle on diplomacy and its past. By not looking backward with a preconceived notion centered on the state but looking forward from the point of view of cities,[x] they exemplified the importance of city and inter-city relations, with a particular focus on consuls and their role.
 
While Embassies have always represented the whole country, consulates stood for cities and their merchants in gone-bye eras. Therefore, cities were precursors and are still playing an essential role in the evolution of diplomacy even today.
 
For example, in the case of Mexico, its 50 consulates have become a part of their local communities, and from their host city's perspective, they are doing Para diplomacy work. In the blogpost Book review 8: “The meaning of a special relation: Mexico´s relationship with Texas in the light of California´s experience, I referred to the idea that there are city and state diplomacies on the other side of consular diplomacy.[xi]

The innovative perspective presented by Leira and de Carvalho helps to revalorize the contributions of the consular institution and practices to the development of diplomacy as we know it today. Furthermore, by destatizing the notion of diplomacy, they open a door for the reevaluation of the consular institution´s past and provide a base for the rise of consular diplomacy.
 
China´s Consular Protection in the 21 Century
 
The third article, “Consular Protection with Chinese Characteristics: Challenges and Solutions” by Liping Xia, is about the evolution of consular assistance of China. From having negligible programs in the past, the government had to work on expanding its consular service due to the ever-growing number of Chinese tourists, investors, and workers traveling overseas.
 
Xia distinguishes unique features of Chinese consular protection, particularly the whole-of-government approach and its inclusion in the national security strategy.[xii] She notes that “China´s highly centralised political system and the current situation of ´big government and small society´ help to account for the local governments´ role in consular protection. “[xiii] Therefore, provincial and municipal authorities share the burden of assisting Chinese nationals abroad, even establishing liaison offices overseas and providing safety training for traveling outside China.[xiv]
 
The enhancement of China´s consular assistance is in line with the evolution of consular diplomacy in other parts of the world.  As Leira and Græger explain in the “Introduction: The Duty of Care in International Relation, “the degree of care provided for citizens abroad is thus tied not only to the political system but also to the state capacity, the perceived necessity for domestic legitimacy, and the responsiveness of foreign host governments.”[xv] In the case of China, “ as consular protection is closely related to the rights and interest of ordinary citizen, it becomes a favored window to display the good image of the party and be an effective means to win the hearts and minds of the people.”[xvi]
 
The transformation of China´s consular services to citizens abroad and its different features is a testament to the consolidation of consular diplomacy worldwide in the third decade of the 21st century.
 
Two more studies.
 
There are two more works that I have not read, but they seem to be fascinating.
 
The first is the book Nationals Abroad Globalization, Individual Rights and the Making of Modern International Law (2020) by Christopher A. Casey. According to Doreen Lustig´s review, the work is “a path-breaking account of the history of the rights of aliens and the rights of states to protect national abroad. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the history of diplomatic protection.”[xvii]
 
In today´s world, the consular protection of citizens in distress abroad is the crucial function of consulates worldwide. It is also, as Maaike Okano-Heijmans describes as, an element of consular diplomacy that could affect the national interest due to the attention brought from politicians, the media, and the general public, as argued in her work “The Changes in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy.”
 
The second work is Jan Melissen’s chapter titled “Consular Diplomacy in the Era of Growing Mobility” in the book Ministries of Foreign Affairs in the World: Actors of State Diplomacy (2022). The chapter focus on the communication challenge that MFAs have regarding their citizens traveling and living overseas. “Providing information and assistance to nationals abroad is a major challenge, and governments are well-advised to go about this activity in a more citizen-centric fashion.” I will share my thoughts once I read it.
 
Concluding thoughts
 
The more I learned about the consular institution, the more convinced I am that it is an integral element of a country`s diplomatic efforts, with particular emphasis on public diplomacy. Consuls are the faces of the MFA abroad and at home for most citizens, and their actions can save lives or at least bridge the gap between foreign authorities and institutions and nationals in distress abroad.
 
These recent works all contribute to the reevaluation of consular affairs inside the MFAs, but more importantly, as part of the evolution of diplomacy.
 


[i] Neumann, Iver N. 2020. “Preface” in Diplomatic Tense, p. xi.
[ii] See chapter two “The evolution of diplomacy” for an explanation of the evolutionary perspective of diplomacy. Neumann, Iver N. and Leira, Halvard. 2020. p. 8-25.
[iii] Neumann, Iver N. and Leira, Halvard. 2020. “The evolution of the consular institution” in Diplomatic Tense, p. 41.
[iv] Ibid. p. 30-34.
[v] Ibid. p. 39.
[vi] See for example, Gómez Arnau, Remedios. 1990. México y la protección de sus nacionales en Estados Unidos.
[vii] Neumann and Leira. 2020. p. 33-40.
[viii] Ibid. p. 42.
[ix] Leira, Halvard and de Carvalho, Benjamin. 2021. The Intercity Origins of Diplomacy: Consuls, Empires, and the Sea. Diplomatica 3 (1), June, p. 148.
[x] Leira and de Carvalho. 2021. P. 149.
[xi] Marquez Lartigue, Rodrigo. 2020. Book review 8: “The meaning of a special relation: Mexico´s relationship with Texas in the light of California´s experience” in Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s Era in Consular and Public Diplomacies Blog.
[xii] Xia, Liping. 2021. Consular Protection with Chinese Characteristics: Challenges and Solutions. The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16 (2-3), March, p. 256.
[xiii] Xia, Liping. 2021, p. 270.
[xiv] Xia, Liping. 2021, p. 260.
[xv] Leira, Halvard and Ninga Græger. 2020. “Introduction: The Duty of Care in International Relation” in The Duty of Care in International Relation Protecting Citizens Beyond the Border, p. 4.
[xvi] Xia, Liping. 2021, p. 272.
[xvii] Lustig, Doreen. 2021. Book Review, Christopher Casey, Nationals Abroad: Globalization, Individual Rights and the Making of Modern International Law. The Law and Practice of International Courts and Tribunals, cited in the book’s webpage.
 
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.

It was mid-morning in a church in Minneapolis when Maria (not her real name) had her glucose checked as part of the Binational Health Week activities. She was in her mid-forties, and it was the first time she had done it. When the nurse saw the results, she immediately called the doctor. Maria´s sugar levels were sky-high, and she was referred to a local hospital. After three days, Maria was released from the hospital with a diabetes diagnosis. She was unaware of her illness, and her participation in the health fair might have saved her life.
 
This situation is a common occurrence during the yearly celebration of the Binational Health Week (BHW), which is organized by the government of Mexico, through its consular network in the United States, together with the Health Initiative of the Americas, and thousands of allies across the nation, including consular offices of other countries.
 
The program is an outstanding example of Mexico's public-consular diplomacy in the United States focused on preventive health. The BHW has reached millions of people in the 21 years since its creation. It has also promoted the establishment of multiple long-term partnerships, a defining element of 21st-century public diplomacy.
 
Preventive health care is an extraordinary consular assistance program offered by a few countries to its citizens abroad. The BHW was developed to meet the needs of the Mexican community in the United States, a country that has struggled to provide affordable health services to all its population.
 
Besides, the program has promoted a continuous dialogue between health authorities, organizations, and the consular network with immigrant communities. It also encouraged the creation of the Ventanilla de Salud, or Health Desk program, which will be reviewed in another post.
 
The beginning of the Binational Health Week.
 
Since the early 1990s, the Ministry of Health of Mexico has organized yearly multiple health weeks across the nation. During that decade, the Mexican population in the US grew rapidly due to the combination of various factors:

• High economic growth and low unemployment in the US.
• Increase border enforcement operations.
• Reunification of families in the US due to the regularization of 2 million Mexicans in the late 1990s.
• Difficulties of the Mexican economy.

 
A significant development was the growing number of Mexican women and children moving to the United States, thus demanding new services such as health and education. 
 
In California, a significant push for starting the BHW was the passage in 1994 of Proposition 187, “a ballot initiative proposed by anti-immigrant organizations, which restricted undocumented immigrants from the state’s public services, including access to public education and healthcare.” It never came into force but was a hard lesson for the Hispanic community as a whole, not just the Mexican undocumented population in the state.
 
In 2001, the then California-Mexico Health Initiative, now known as the Health Initiative of the Americas (HIA), and the government of Mexico agreed to organize health prevention activities in California in October; thus, the Binational Health Week was born. It started in seven counties, had 98 events and 115 participating agencies, and reached close to 19,000 people.
 
The collaboration between health authorities and related organizations with the consular network deepened through the years, evolving into strategic partnerships across the nation.
 
The evolution of the Binational Health Week,
 
From its humble beginnings in California, the BHW took off like a rocket. It rapidly expanded to other states and, by 2004, it became a national endeavor. The then newly created Institute of Mexican Abroad (IME) and its Advisory Council supported expanding its activities to all the consulates.
 
It was clear that access to health was an important issue, particularly for the new arrival, which comprises a large percentage of women and children, as they reunited with their families in the US due to the end of circular migration of mostly male migrants.
 
Two critical elements of the BHW stand out, which were necessary for its success. One was that opening and closing ceremonies took place alternatively in Mexico and the US, thus making it a genuinely bilateral collaboration.
 
The second element was that it included research activities focused on Hispanic and Mexican health through the celebration of the Binational Public Policy Forum on Migration and Health. The collaboration evolved into a partnership called Research Programs on Migration and Health (PIMSA for its Spanish acronym) that has published significant findings on the subject. Also, since 2008, Mexico´s National Population Council and the HIA have published the Migration and Health reports.
 
The government of Mexico allocated money as seed funding for the organization of the BHW activities. It also invested much time and human capital in the organization, thus demonstrating its commitment to promote preventive health activities.
 
In the beginning, the activities of the BHW concentrated on health fairs. Still, as the program evolved, the organizers incorporated many other services and activities with the support of the Health Desks. For example, according to the 2018 BHW report, 45% of the events were health fairs while 26% were informative sessions, 15% training, and workshops, and 6% conferences and forums. Regarding services, 33% were guidances, 22% screenings, 19% services referrals, 12% medical examinations, and 9% diagnoses.
 
The results of the Binational Health Week.
 
In the 20 years since its creation, 6.9 million people have attended an activity in the framework of the BHW. Nearly 90,000 agencies have participated in more than 40,000 events and activities (see table 1).

 
Besides, the program has been very successful, from lead testing to national events and research projects. For example, from 2003 to 2018, PIMSA sponsored 116 binational research teams and 46 graduate students investing 4.4 million dollars plus over $5 million in additional funding.
 
As mentioned before, it was in the framework of the BHW that the Ventanilla de Salud or Health Desk was developed, being another successful effort of Mexico's public-consular diplomacy.
 
The collaboration between health authorities and related organizations with the consular network deepened through the years, evolving into strategic partnerships across the nation.
 
Working at the Consulate of Mexico in Boston, I had to coordinate the celebration of the first Hispanic health fair in Nashua, New Hampshire, as part of the BHW activities. It was not an easy task, but once the local health authorities understood the idea behind the program, they were thoroughly committed. And it opened the door to more significant interactions between the Mexican community and the city´s residents and authorities.
 
In conclusion, the Binational Health Week is an excellent example of Mexico´s public-consular diplomacy efforts that have benefited close to 7 million people since its creation in 2001 while establishing enduring partnerships.
 
 
​DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.

The people of every nation have the right to decide their government, self-determination, and non-intervention. The borders of states must be respected. #StandwithUkraine.

 
As I mentioned before, I am working on two projects. The first is about global politics. In the previous post, I wrote about the changes in the international system that we are experiencing today. It included some incredible works that I found that make it easier to comprehend these transformations.
 
The second assignment is about public diplomacy and country branding. So, today I am going to write about the latter.
 
I prefer using the term country branding, as it seems more encompassing than nation branding because most states are multination countries, so that a few groups might feel excluded. Other expressions such as place branding, location, and even reputation management are now used as an alternative to nation branding.
 
In one of the blog´s first posts, “Influence and reputation in international affairs: Soft Power and Nation Branding,” I wrote about the differences between public diplomacy, nation brand, and soft power. For me, it was an excellent exercise because there is still much confusion about the three concepts. Even in a textbook focused on public diplomacy, such as the Routledge Handbook on Public Diplomacy (2nd edition), there are a few articles about nation branding, which I really enjoyed, by the way.
 
A lot has happened since Simon Anholt coined the term Nation Brand in 1996. While the first decade of the new millennium seemed to be all about trying to promote a country`s reputation via flashy logos, catchy slogans, expensive spreads in magazines like The Economist, things have seemed to evolve in recent years.
 
I bet that many governments worldwide finally realized that while the country’s image abroad is one of the greatest assets, it cannot be changed using marketing and advertising techniques or spending vast amounts of money on its promotion.
 
In the article “Country Branding: A Practitioner Perspective,”[i] Florian Kaefer, Founder of The Place Brand Observer, details the transformation of place branding from its early heydays to a mature discipline. He just published the book An Insider´s Guide to Place Branding: Shaping the Identity and Reputation of Cities, Regions and Countries, which I hope to read soon because it seems fascinating as it is based on interviews of a significant number of place branding practitioners.
 
The digital world has also changed country branding, including the development of the Digital Country Index of online searches to the creation of the concept of “Selfie Diplomacy.”
 
The Digital Country Index is intriguing as the people search proactively about a country; therefore, there is an assumption of specific interest in a particular nation, which is a measurement of its online attractiveness. However, people worldwide may be searching for a specific country for the wrong reasons from a country branding perspective. Natural or man-made disasters, bad COVID-19 management, or some bad news might not be what the branding manager wants the public to know about the country. For example, just a few days ago, the world focused on Tonga, a Pacific Ocean nation, because of a devastating volcano eruption. So, the online searches index, while usefully, most be treated carefully. 
 
As previously mentioned, another example of the changes that place branding experiences in cyberspace is the appealing idea of “Selfie Diplomacy” created by Ilan Manor and Elad Segev. It is defined as “an MFA´s use of social media channels to author a national self-portrait or brand… [and] is thus a form of nation branding conducted via digital platforms”[ii]. It is a country´s digital identity used to broadcast the image that it wants to project in the digital realm.

The concept is very intriguing, as everybody now does Selfies. This is just the country´s selfies in the digital realm. 
 
Two countries that have stand out in nation branding are Estonia and Costa Rica. Both share the fact that an independent organism coordinates the branding efforts: Enterprise Estonia and Essential Costa Rica. The Baltic national focused on digitalization, including its E-Residency program, while Costa Rica has become a green powerhouse, both activities being at the core of their branding programs. [iii]
 
Something that has not changed is the obsession with indexes. Now, there are so many that it is impossible to keep up with them or even understand the methodology used to rank countries. 
 
Here is a brief recompilation of some of them:

• Elcano Global Presence Index
• FutureBrand Country Index
• Brand Finance Nation Brand
• Bloom Consulting Trade and Tourism Country Index
• Ipsos Nation Brand Index
• The Good Country Index
• Digital Country Index
• The Soft Power 30
• Brand Finance Global Soft Power Index

 
For those interested in place branding, there is the International Place Branding Association that offers courses and organizes an annual meeting. It is led by Robert Govers, author of the book Imaginative Communities: Admired cities, regions, and countries. Membership is free, you just have to enroll in their newsletter. Talk about openness!

If you are interested in Mexico´s country brand, read the blog post Broken funhouse mirror: Mexico´s image and reputation abroad. 

[i] Kaefer, Florian. (2019). Country Branding: A Practitioner Perspective. Routledge Handbook on Public Diplomacy (2nd edition) Nancy Snow and Nicholas J. Cull (eds.), pp 129-136. Routledge
[ii] Manor, Ilan. (2019). The Digitalization of Public Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan, p. 263. See also, Manor Ilan and Segev, Elad. (2015). America´s selfie: How the US portrays itself on its social media accounts. In C Bjola & M Holmes (eds.) Digital diplomacy: Theory and Practice. Routledge. Available at https://digdipblog.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/americas-selfie.pdf
[iii] City/Nation/Place (2020) Two countries that prove nation branding works, 10 January.  Available at https://www.citynationplace.com/two-countries-that-prove-nation-branding-works [accessed 26 December 2021]

DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.

 
I am currently working on two new projects. One focuses on world politics, which has been quite interesting because it has allowed me to read and rethink issues that directly impact our planet today.

The world order has moved from the stability of the Cold War to the unipolar moment into a process of complex readjustment due to the digital revolution, the rising of new powers, globalization, and the changing features of today`s global power.

For most persons, it is hard to visualize these changes, as most international institutions created after World War 2 still exist today, based on the Liberal World Order. Some scholars, like Amitav Acharya, indicate that we are starting to live in a Post-Western World Order based on its predecessor, but significantly different.[1]

However, for most Westerners, particularly the United States, it is not a rosy picture, as they stand to lose some of the grips on world politics. As Mark Leonard indicates, the post-cold war ended “with the abrupt and chaotic US withdrawal from Afghanistan.”[2] But, will this new emerging world order will be better for all the people of the world rather than a lucky few? Only time will tell, but let´s hope for the best.

To better understand this new world, first, I read The World: A Brief Introduction by Richard Haass of the Council on Foreign Relations. I like it because it covers most of the pressing world issues, from war to the environment, while summarizing the situation of the different regions. The book can help the reader better understand the recent changes of the international system, even if it is a birds-eye view. However, as most International Relations and Politics studies, it is too US-centric. Therefore, there is a need to broaden the different perspectives of what is going around the globe. Maybe this is one of the problems of the chaotic Liberal World Order; it is too dependent on the US.

An amazing finding was Rita Giacalone´s book titled Política Internacional a principios del Siglo XXI: Poder, cooperación y conflicto. It is hard to find an easy-to-read book that includes a theoretical framework of geopolitics with specific cases written from a Latin American perspective. This book hits all the right marks. Besides, the research helps comprehend current world affairs, following a simple yet comprehensive analysis of processes, actors, and consequences. It is a true gem and is in Spanish.

I have also read the 8th edition of the remarkable textbook The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, which contains an understandable yet thought-provoking explanation of world politics. It covers a wide variety of issues, including gender and race in international affairs, theoretical perspectives, and even a little bit of history. The authors made an extraordinary effort in presenting dissenting views, including a less Western-centric focus, which is really refreshing.

Finally, I discovered by chance the excellent project titled The Power Atlas: Seven battlegrounds of a networked world coordinated by Mark Leonard of the European Council on Foreign Relations. In it, he explains that
“In an era in which states use their interdependence against one another, power is no longer defined by control of land or oceans, or even the normative influence of “soft power”. It is now defined by control over flows of people, goods, money, and data, and via the connections they establish. As states compete to control such connections and the dependencies they create, these flows cut across overlapping spheres of influence – shaping the new map of geopolitical power.” [3]

This new map covers seven terrains of power, where great powers fight to gain or maintain power while the rest of the world does not have many options.

The new perspective on power and the different battlefields where it is fought is eye-opening. It moves away from a traditional outlook to a multilevel chess game where everything is at play at once, from technology to health, in an interconnected and interdependent world.

In the essay about culture as one of the battlefields of a networked world, the authors indicate the end of Soft Power due to the lack of attraction of universal ideas and countries' pushback of attempts by others to impose those.[4] This was one of the foundational premises of the Liberal World Order and the view of the “end of history.” Nevertheless, I find it hard to believe that autocratic regimes and illiberal ideas could be attractive in a sustained way for a long-time for many people. But with the recent re-emergence of nationalist and populist movements and the support of narrow majorities, even in the US, I wonder if I am too optimistic, or plainly wrong. Time will tell.  
 
Sadly, all these works paint a less bright future of the world. From growing inequality to climate change, humanity faces issues that might result in a return to the “normal” geopolitical fighting, as Leonard says. [5] As the pandemic has clearly demonstrated, humans and countries are not ready to break their geopolitical chains to solve global problems.

Simon Anholt explains that there is a need for a dual mandate that includes policies and activities to benefit the country's people and the entire humanity.[6] He demonstrates this idea with his Good Country Index, where top-ranking nations are not the biggest or the most powerful, but the ones that give more to the world than they receive. No wonder countries like Cyprus, Uruguay, Costa Rica, and others are near the top, versus the typical great powers or popular destinations.

A final thought:
If an alien arrived today and saw the protests in Western countries against vaccine mandates, after more than 5.5 million Covid deaths, and the extreme rise of the SARS-COV-19´s Omicron variant in recent weeks, and negligible levels of vaccinations in many countries, would wonder why humans behave “irrationally,” which has been one of the cornerstones of IR and Foreign Policy Analysis.
 

[1] McGrew, Anthony. Globalization and global politics”. In The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, 8th edition, Baylis, John, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens (eds), 2020. p. 28-31.
[2] Leonard, Mark. “Introduction.” The Power Atlas: Seven battlegrounds of a networked world. European Council on Foreign Relations. 2021.
[3] Leonard, Mark. “Introduction.” The Power Atlas: Seven battlegrounds of a networked world. European Council on Foreign Relations. 2021.
[4] Krastev, Ivan and Leonard, Mark. “Culture.” The Power Atlas: Seven battlegrounds of a networked world. European Council on Foreign Relations. 2021.
[5] Leonard, Mark. “Introduction.” 2021.
[6] The Dual Mandate. The Good Country Index.

DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.

 
The following essay was one of the Public Diplomacy online course requirements offered by the DiploFoundation that I took in the Spring of 2013.
 
I only made some editing for clarity and grammatical accuracy.
 
 
Introduction
 
Mexico has had a long tradition of cultural diplomacy, and more recently, tourism and investment promotion; however, it has not developed a comprehensive approach to Public Diplomacy (PD) in a sustained way.
 
Besides certain times in its history, such as in the late 1890s, during the 1930s, and the negotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement in early 1990s, the Government of Mexico has not tried to influence foreign publics as part of its foreign policy beyond conveying a positive image overseas.
 
There are three reasons why: a) its foreign policy is based on the principle of non-intervention in other countries' affairs,[1] b) its foreign policy has mostly focused on Latin America, and c) its relationship with the United States.[2] Nonetheless, in recent years, as a result of the security crisis and the lack of significant progress in the domestic arena, the Government of Mexico is trying to implement a PD strategy to improve its image abroad and continue to be an influential member of the international community.
 
This paper will briefly analyze Mexico's attempts to instrument certain aspects of Public Diplomacy, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses. In addition, there are some recommendations on how Mexico could finally instrument a comprehensive long-term PD.
 
Early efforts: investment promotion and cultural diplomacy.
 
After decades of civil unrest and financial difficulties, Mexico experienced economic development in the last quarter of the 19th Century. As part of its foreign policy, the Government actively participated in World Fairs to convey a positive image abroad to attract investment and immigrants from Europe and Asia.[3] This period ended abruptly with the Mexican revolution in 1910, which hurt its economy and image abroad.
 
After the revolution, in the late 1920s and 1930s, as part of Mexico's political realignment, the Government established significant cultural institutions and sponsored great works of art, including murals and other art forms, to legitimize the country's new regime. It engage in a forceful cultural diplomacy effort in South America.

In the 1930s and 1940s, Mexico had a film bonanza, later followed by TV programs and music,[4] spreading Mexican culture all over Latin America, thus gaining international standing in those countries.
 
In these two eras, Mexico had a concerted effort to gain international reputation and recognition to fulfill some of its foreign policy goals; however, these Public Diplomacy efforts were not sustained, except for an active but underfunded cultural diplomacy.
 
The Cold War: inward-looking development and lack of promotion abroad.
 
For most of the Cold War, Mexico had a reactive foreign policy, trying to avoid conflicts with the US and concentrating its diplomatic efforts in Latin America. However, in the 1960s and later, it became isolated as military dictatorships overtook democratic governments in the region, which were aligned with the US in the fight against communism. Nonetheless, Mexico continued to promote its cultural expressions abroad,[5] encouraged educational exchanges, and engaged in international cooperation as a donor.
 
At the same time, the US media and entertainment industries became dominant in most of the world, which presented a distorted image of Mexico around the globe, even though the country was a success story in terms of economic development.[6] In an analysis of Mexico's image abroad, Simon Anholt indicated that the country had deeper problems than the current violence crisis. He mentioned that the country's image overseas had primarily been defined negatively, except in Latin America, by the US media and entertainment industries.[7]
 
Post-Cold War: changes and missed opportunities
 
With the end of the Cold War, Mexico's foreign policy experienced significant changes, being the most important one the negotiation of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada. It was one of the rare occasions when the Government of Mexico consciously tried to influence US public opinion. Through a series of activities, including major cultural exhibitions[8] in the US, including hiring professional lobbyists, it engaged directly with US businesses, labor unions, and environmental groups, with the support of their Mexican counterparts, in a coordinated effort to successfully approve the agreement.[9]
 
As in the past, there was no continuity of these activities afterward. Moreover, when the economic crisis affected Mexico in 1995 (and the US offered a rescue package), there was no effort to mitigate the country's bad publicity and loss of reputation amongst the US and international public opinion.
 
In 2000, when Mexico successfully had a democratic transition, the country regained international status; notwithstanding, the so-called "democratic bonus" was not cashed out because there were no major internal reforms. The country's brand stagnated versus the rapidly changing positions of nations such as China, India, Brazil, and South Africa.
 
In 2006 a new administration took over and stepped up the combat against drug traffickers in Mexico. As a result, there was a considerable increase in violence, which became one of the few topics that the international media reported about the country, negatively impacting its image abroad.[10] According to the 2011 EastWest Global Index 200, Mexico occupied 192th place out of 200 nations, just above countries like Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, and Libya.[11]
 
Recognizing that the country had an international image problem was an important step taken by President Calderon, even though it was long overdue. As a result, the Government created the "Marca País, Imagen de México" project[12] to show Mexico in a more balanced way and contextualize the violence stories. However, there were some problems with the project. It was coordinated by the Ministry of Tourism; therefore, its focus was mainly on tourism promotion rather than an overall Public Diplomacy strategy. In addition, it seldom coordinated its activities with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA).
 
A new administration, a new opportunity
 
Thanks to the arrival of a new administration in December 2012, a slight reduction in violent acts in 2012, and the approval of significant reforms, the dynamic of Mexico's image abroad is changing;[13] therefore, it is an excellent opportunity to be seized by the new Government.
 
Currently (2013), the Office of the Presidency, the MFA, the Ministries of Tourism and Trade, and ProMexico[14] hold bi-monthly meetings as part of an effort to improve Mexico's brand overseas. However, this interagency process is not a formal Public Diplomacy board that includes other actors, such as state and local authorities, businesses, universities, think tanks, and non-governmental organizations. In addition, it seems that the efforts of coordinating activities abroad are not incorporated in their respective actions and policies, thus limiting its implementation.
 
Policy Recommendations.
 
Considering that it seems there is confusion between Tourism Promotion/Cultural Diplomacy and PD, and there is a real need to try to engage foreign publics in order to counterbalance the bad image that is conveyed abroad, here are a few recommendations to instrument a genuine Public Diplomacy:
 
a) Establish a formal Public Diplomacy Board, such as the one in France or the United Kingdom, that will be responsible for evaluating Mexico's current situation and propose a course of action with definite goals and activities to accomplish them. The Board should incorporate important non-state actors and local and state authorities. Inside the MFA, a Public Diplomacy office should be established to coordinate and instrument the decisions made by the Board.
 
b) It would be wise to create a Public Diplomacy Handbook, such as the Australian one,[15] that not only explains what PD activities should be undertaken but provides advice in planning PD programs and showcases best practices. The publication of the handbook should be part of a training program for all government officials that deal with international activities.
 
c) Teaching Spanish is a great tool to promote the country's culture and values and a deeper understanding of its idiosyncrasy. The new Government has proposed the creation of "Institutos Mexico"[16] as a way to promote the nation's culture and teach Spanish overseas. The establishment of Confucius centers by China worldwide in partnership with local universities could be used as a model.[17]
 
d) Mexico's PD efforts should focus on specific countries that involve a comprehensive strategy that includes tourism and investment promotion, cultural exhibitions, people-to-people contacts, and educational exchanges. The effort should be made in the host country's language, so Mexico can "talk" directly to them, diminishing the use of English media and reaching a wider audience. The chosen countries should be regional leaders, such as the BRICS, Turkey, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, the UK, Spain, and Germany.
 
e) The Government should take full advantage of Information Technologies to engage with foreign publics directly. Mexico should study the US embassy's experience in Indonesia, which had a very successful online presence, through the engagement of Indonesian bloggers and linking real-life events (such as President Obama's visit), with its online activities.[18]
 
d) Mexico's MFA should fully incorporate to its PD strategy the activities of the Liaison Office with Civil Society Organizations,[19] the Institute of Mexicans Abroad,[20] and the Mexican Agency for International Development Cooperation.[21] These offices manage essential programs that have not been utilized to their full potential in the country's overall Public Diplomacy efforts.
 
e) The Government should establish a research program focused on Public Diplomacy to further promote knowledge about this issue, emphasizing Mexico's circumstances. The "Observatorio Marca España" project at the Spanish Elcano Institute[22] is a good example that should be considered.
 
Conclusions
 
Even though Mexico had substantial experience in cultural diplomacy and, more recently, tourism and trade promotion, it has only engaged in Public Diplomacy in rare instances due to its foreign policy principles.
 
The attention to the country's violence and its negative image abroad has renewed an effort to instrument a comprehensive Public Diplomacy strategy. In order to be successful, the Government has to have a long-term view, needs to improve its domestic situation, and requires investing sufficient funds in this endeavor. A key component for success is coordinating PD activities, collaborating with Non-State Actors, and better utilizing social media and information technology.
 
Rodrigo Marquez Lartigue
Public Diplomacy
March 26th, 2013.


[1] Luz Elena Banos Rivas, “Reflexiones sobre la diplomacia pública en México. Una mirada prospectiva” Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, No. 85, November 2008-February 2009, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. p. 154
[2] Pamela K. Starr, “Mexican Public Diplomacy: Hobbled by History, Interdependence, and Asymmetric Power” Public Diplomacy Magazine, University of Southern California Issue 2, Summer 2009 pp. 49-53. Available at http://publicdiplomacymagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/summer_2009.pdf [accessed March 15, 2013]
[3] Roberta Lajous Vargas, Las relaciones exteriores de México (1821-2000), El Colegio de México, 2012, pp 128-129.
[4] Andrés Ordoñez, “Diplomacia y cultura: Contenidos básicos para un reflexión pertinente”, Este País, June 3rd, 2012. Available at http://estepais.com/site/?p=38890  [accessed on March 24th, 2013]
[5] This is the time that Mexico started to organized important exhibitions abroad, and created the office of cultural exchanges at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Rafael Tovar y de Teresa, p. 192.
[6] For example, it was the first developing nation to hold the Olympic Games in 1968, and two years later was the host of the World Cup.
[7] Simon Anholt “Mito y realidad: la imagen internacional de México”, Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, No. 96, October 2012, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. p. 124
[8] Tovar y de Teresa, p. 188.
[9] Starr, p. 51.
[10] For a brief analysis of México’s media coverage in US newspapers see Guillermo Maynez Gil, “El Espejo roto: percepciones de México entre los extranjeros” Este País, No. 261, January 2013, pp. 8-12
[11] East West Communications, 2011 EastWest Global Index 200, Available at http://www.eastwestcoms.com/global.htm [accessed March 21st, 2013].
[12] To learn more about the project see Jaime Díaz and Mónica Pérez, “Marca México: una estrategia para reducir la brecha entre la percepción y la realidad”, Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, No. 96, October 2012, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. pp. 169-186.
[13] Recently, there have been important reports about Mexico’s economic achievements in mayor news outlets such as the Financial Times, the New York Times and the Economist.
[14] Mexico´s Export and Investment Promotion Agency.
[15] Australia Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Public diplomacy and advocacy handbook, August 2011. Available at http://www.dfat.gov.au/publications/public-diplomacy-handbook/ [accessed 18 March 2013]
[16] Mexico currently has 10 cultural centers: 4 in the USA (Miami, New York, San Antonio and Washington), 4 in Latin America (Belize, Costa Rica, Ecuador and Guatemala) and 2 in Europe (Spain and France). Cesar Guerrero, “La cultura en la imagen de México” Este País, January 2013, p. 21.
[17] Zhe Ren, The Confucius Institutes and China´s Soft Power, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO, March 2012. Available at http://ir.ide.go.jp/dspace/bitstream/2344/1119/1/ARRIDE_Discussion_No.330_ren.pdf [accessed March 19, 2013]
[18] Matthew Wallin, The Challenges of the Internet and Social Media in Public Diplomacy, American Security Project. February 2013. Pp. 9-10. Available at http://americansecurityproject.org/featured-items/2013/the-challenges-of-the-internet-and-social-media-in-public-diplomacy/ [accessed March 20, 2012].
[19] The Liaison Office with Civil Society Organizations was created on January 8, 2009. For more information about the office in English see http://participacionsocial.sre.gob.mx/docs/dgvosc/brochure_sre_dgvosc.pdf  
[20] The Institute of Mexicans Abroad was created in 2003. For more information see http://www.ime.gob.mx/
[21] The Agency was created in 2011. For more information see http://amexcid.gob.mx/
[22] For more information visit http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/wps/portal/!ut/p/c5/04_SB8K8xLLM9MSSzPy8xBz9CP0os3jjYB8fnxBnR19TE2e_kECjACdDAwjQ9_PIz03VL8h2VAQAidTU0Q!!/dl3/d3/L2dJQSEvUUt3QS9ZQnZ3LzZfM1RER1FLRzEwT1BVMTBJUjQ3TjJVUzBDVjI!/ [accessed March 23, 2013]

​DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company

 
I am excited to announce that I will be collaborating in the upcoming Public Diplomacy course that the DiploFoundation is offering in the spring of 2022. For more information about the course, check out this DiploFoundation webpage.
 
I did not know about the existence of the DiploFoundation until my ministry of foreign affairs offered one of its courses in late 2012. But what a great institution it is!
 
I already had experience with online education, as I graduated from the Global Master of Arts Program in 2008, offered by the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. However, it was a hybrid format, which allowed me to meet my classmates in three different residencies. For more about my experience, read my blog post, Remembering GMAP: Awesome learning and life experiences.
 
The DiploFoundation offers magnificent advantages for most people interested in diplomacy and other vital subjects, such as internet governance. Here are some of them:

1. FLEXIBILITY. While following a weekly cycle where each week is dedicated to a specific topic, Diplo’s online courses are designed so that you can attend to course tasks asynchronously, i.e., at the time that suits you best, depending on your time zone and lifestyle.
2. INTERACTION. The weekly online live interaction is a great way to connect with the lecturers and classmates. It is a bit chaotic and stimulating time, and it would be best if you were prepared to participate in the online debates fully. With the boom of video conferencing apps, Diplo also offers the opportunity to interact with colleagues using live connections.
3. EDUCATION PROCESS. The DiploFoundation has a collaborative approach to education that encourages participation and dialogue. The hypertext interactions, the pedagogical tool used in the courses, are user-friendly and engaging. Most of your classmates have experience and lots of knowledge, so it is a trove of treasures, and it allows you to share your own best practices.
4. DIVERSITY. The geographical and nationality variety of the lecturers and students makes the DiploFoundation hard to beat. I had classmates from many different countries, most living on other continents, so I had the opportunity to interact and learn from them.  Connecting with persons from diverse backgrounds that otherwise you might never know is formidable, and the Diplo opens the door for you.
5. FOCUS ON THE REAL WORLD. The courses are focused on the real world. For most diplomacy practitioners, it is hard to find time for professional development, and most are looking for learning opportunities that can immediately enhance their performance. Therefore, the courses’ focus on the real world is crucial, and the DiploFoundation does not disappoint. This does not mean that theories are not reviewed. In my Diplo studies, I learned tools that I applied almost immediately. For example, I studied social media apps and opened my Twitter account that I still use today.
6. TOUGH BUT FAIR. Anybody that tells you that the DiploFoundation courses are easy is not telling the truth. You have to engage in the class fully, but it is well worth it.
7. AMAZING LECTURERS. The heart of the DiploFoundation is its people, but mainly their faculty. The courses I took were taught by outstanding lecturers that are practitioners with real-life experiences in their respective fields. And as the DiploFoundation website states, “They act more as a ‘guide on the side’ than ‘the sage on the stage’”. The teachers and researchers are incredible sources of knowledge that students can tap from. Just browse the Diplo website’s People section to learn about the excellent team.

 
Another advantage is that The DiploFoundation also offers the possibility of obtaining a Master´s degree in Contemporary Diplomacy from the University of Malta, which is an excellent opportunity for anybody who does not have the chance to take time off work to get a full-time study degree.
 
Besides the incredible array of courses, the DiploFoundation has excellent research and resources, such as my favorite history of diplomacy and technology or the up-and-coming digital diplomacy and digital foreign policy.
 
In addition, the very active online web debates, conferences offer many opportunities to learn areas that might not be familiar. 
 
For those interested in internet governance and digital policy, the DiploFoundation is a powerhouse and the go-to institution. Besides, they are at the forefront of Artificial Intelligence and Diplomacy studies.
 
After the courses with the DiploFoundation, I had many ideas and questions but did not have enough time to work on them until last year, when I started my blog about Consular and Public Diplomacies. In a way, the courses I took with Diplo motivated me to create this blog. And to complete the full circle, the blog opened the door for me to join the DiploFoundation as a lecture starting in spring 2022!
 
I invite everyone interested in Diplomacy and Internet Governance to check out below the DiploFoundation courses and their research and ongoing activities. And hopefully, I will see you in the Public Diplomacy course that starts in February 2022.
 
Upcoming course (February 2022)
 
Public Diplomacy
 
Humanitarian Diplomacy
                               
Diplomatic Theory and Practice
 
Advanced Diploma in Internet Governance
 
Introduction to Internet Governance
 
Capacity Development
 
Artificial Intelligence: Technology, Governance, and Policy Frameworks
 
Here is an excellent video that clearly explains what entails to study at the DiploFoundation.

 
During the summer, I had the opportunity to have a small taste of the experience of the persons who dedicate their lives to academia, and let me tell you; it is definitely not easy.

First, I prepared and submitted a practitioners’ essay to a journal, which was a lot harder to write than I anticipated. I had worked on it since the day I started this blog, but I let it “marinate” for a few months before going back to it. This was valuable because, during this time, I read a lot about the subject, and it helped me to focus on the ideas that I wanted to share. 

One problem that I did not anticipate when I started writing about Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy in the United States was the enormous amount of all types of materials that had certain relation to the subject. However, with a few exceptions, all focused on specific topics, such as migration of Mexicans to the United States, the two countries´ bilateral relationship, the life and issues of the border region, and the experience of the Mexican community north of the border. 

This poses a significant challenge because with so much material, how could I find and review the most important pieces for my work? Besides, how to organize the essay to make sense of all this information? This, I think, is one of the daily challenges that an academic faces.  It is a critical issue of all his/her scholarly work, from teaching to writing! 

Second, I was excited that my paper submission for an IR convention was accepted. This meant that I had to write another paper, different from the journal submission. 

As I mentioned in the post about Membership has its privileges: Participating in a professional association, participating in a professional organization, and its annual conference is a crucial element for any scholar and even for practitioners. It allows you to go out there, share your ideas and hopefully receive some feedback, and also learn from others' thoughts and experiences. 

Writing, usually, is a solitarily endeavor, even in a co-authored project. Therefore, having the opportunity to socialize your work in a convention is crucial to improving it, and there is no other way around it. Some academic friends could be willing to review your paper, but it is also important to receive comments from a non-related person that knows about the subject. I think this is the main reason for a convention, besides having fun with colleagues from around the country, region or the world. 

As a result of my participation in the convention, I was able to submit another practitioner´s essay to a different periodical. Let`s hope it can pass the review process! 

Third. In most jobs, you have a group of people that you can rely on if things get complicated. But for the academic, this extra help is not granted, particularly regarding teaching and research. The lucky few have teacher and research assistants and even some administrative staff. However, most scholars in the social sciences do not have any support staff, so they must juggle between teaching classes, doing their research, keeping up to date on their field of study, and even handling social media and blog accounts. It is a nearly impossible task! 

I commend all the scholars that have done so for many years and still are great teachers and extraordinary researchers. 

If all this is not enough, the changes in education because of the pandemic pose a significant challenge because suddenly, we all had to learn on the run new skills as teaching online from a house full of people and mascots. 

After experiencing a small bite of scholarly life myself, now, I am a lot more appreciative of all academics in the world that, against many odds, still produce amazing ideas that make the world a better place.  So, when January 24 comes around, which is International Education Day, let´s congratulate and celebrate all scholars of the world.

​
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.

 
A couple of weeks ago, Mexico´s consular network in the United States, together with federal and state labor authorities, unions, community associations, and seven other consulates, successfully organized the 13th edition of the Labor Rights Week (LRW).
 
The LRW “is a joint initiative between the governments of the US and Mexico that seeks to increase awareness in Mexican and Latino communities about the rights of workers and the resources available to them.”[1] As the reader will learn, it started in 2009.
 
In 2021, the 50 Mexican consulates and 560 partners held 680 events with 520,000 persons and collaborated with the consulates of Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Peru.[2]
 
Besides, the Embassy of Mexico in Washington renewed national cooperation agreements with the Wage and Hour Division (WHS), the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). The Mexican consulates also updated 58 local collaboration agreements.[3]
 
The significant results of the LRW amid the Covid-19 pandemic confirm that it is an example of an accomplished public-consular diplomacy initiative executed by Mexico and its network of allies in the United States. This effort adds to the successful public-consular diplomatic effort by Mexico is its Consular ID card program.
 
However, the consular protection of Mexican workers in the United States has been a priority of the consular network since the 19th century.[4] In the third decade of the 21st century, it continues to be the focus of Mexico´s public-consular diplomacy.
 
In the case of consular assistance in incidents of labor rights violation, Mexico developed the LRW, a successful model of collaboration where the host country authorities cooperate with the consular network to promote the rights available to all workers regardless of their immigration status.
 
How this initiative started?
 
The origins of Labor Rights Week
 
After the failure to reach an immigration agreement between Mexico and the U.S., also known as “the whole enchilada”, partly due to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, both governments searched for opportunities for greater collaboration in new areas. One such field was labor rights.
 
An alternative reason for the greater attention to labor issues by the government of Mexico is proposed by Xóchitl Bada and Shannon Gleeson. They state that it was the pressure from Mexican community groups to have a proactive role in labor rights cases that resulted in greater collaboration with U.S. authorities.[5]
 
As a result, in 2004, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mexico (SRE) and the Secretary of Labor issued a joint declaration followed by signing letters of intent with WHS and OSHA. The statement was renewed in 2010 and 2014.[6]
 
After a few years of collaborating, in 2009, the SRE launched the first LRW, using the Binational Health Week as inspiration. In its first edition, fifteen consulates and 255 allies organized 199 events, with 18,788 persons. In total, 829 consular labor cases were registered.[7]
 
Since then, Mexico´s consulates across the U.S. have entered into more than 400 agreements with regional offices of labor agencies, including OSHA, WHD, EEOC, and others (see table 1).
 
The evolution of the LRW
 
As with other consular assistance programs, after the successful first experience, all Mexican consulates were involved in organizing events around the LWR.
 
During the week around Labor Day in the U.S., which is celebrated on the first Monday of September, Consulates and allies organize a wide variety of activities, from training at the consulate offices and workplaces such as canning factories and vegetable fields to individual consultations with labor lawyers, labor rights organizations, and unions.
 
As the collaboration expanded, the Embassy of Mexico in Washington signed agreements with the NLRB in 2013, the EEOC in 2014, and the Justice Department's Office of Special Counsel for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices (OSC) in 2016. In many instances, the consular network replicated these deals with the agencies' regional offices, especially with the EEOC.
 
As part of this initiative, the SRE signed an agreement with the United Farm Workers in November 2019, the first of its type with a labor organization in the United States.
 
The Results of the LRW
 
Organizing a week of events focusing on labor rights has been very successful. More than 1.7 million persons have attended an event since 2009, including half a million this year alone, as the reader can see in table 1, at the bottom of the post.
 
Regardless of the political discourse, continuity of the effort has been crucial, creating trust among the consulates and labor authorities with workers, unions, and labor rights organizations.
 
Besides, an additional advantage is that new activities are proposed by consulates and partners every year, expanding and deepening the cooperation. For example, after a few years of the LRW, some consulates, with the help of their allies, offered workshops at different workplaces, including factories, restaurants, construction sites, and agricultural fields. They found out, though practice, that it was a lot easier to reach out to workers at their locations rather than asking them to go to a consulate or a church.
 
The LRW has been identified as an example of “practical joint initiatives” to protect the labor rights of low-skilled immigrant workers.[8] Mexico promoted the LRW in the 2nd Global Consular Forum meeting held in Mexico in 2015, and some scholars have noted the success and some of its deficiencies.[9]
 
It is well known that current public diplomacy strategies search to establish a long-term partnership between the receiving and the sending state. Therefore, the institutionalization of relationships with partners, through signing collaboration agreements and other forms, has demonstrated its usefulness in weathering changes of leaders and priorities of the different governments. It also has facilitated the continuity of the LRW, which has been vital to building lasting and successful relationships with allies and the workers themselves.
 
Nina Græger y Halvard Leira state that “the degree of [consular] care provided for citizens abroad is thus tied not only to political system, but also to the state capacity, the perceived necessity for domestic legitimacy and responsiveness of foreign host governments.”[10] In the case of the LRW, the interest of the Department of Labor and other authorities in promoting labor rights in the immigrant community, through collaboration with the Mexican consular network, has been essential in its success.  One of the most important results is turning the consulate into a trusted ally of local organizations and bridging them and the federal and state agencies.[11]
 
In a country such as the US that offers fewer protections for workers and has multiple labor regulations and authorities, the LRW is an excellent public-consular diplomacy effort with a focus on some of the most vulnerable workers. It is also a perfect example of the collaboration of the governments of the sending and receiving states with civil society organizations.


[1] Okano-Heijmans, Maaike and Price, Caspar, “Providing consular services to low-skilled migrant workers: partnerships that care”, Global Affairs, Vol. 5 No. 4-5, 2019, p. 436.
[2] Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, “13th labor rights week comes to a close in Mexico´s US consulates”, Press Bulletin, September 6, 2021
[3] Ibid.
[4] Gómez Arnau, Remedios, México y la protección de sus nacionales en Estados Unidos, Centro de Investigaciones sobre Estados Unidos de América, 1990, p. 127.
[5] Bada, Xóchitl, and Gleeson, Shannon. “A New Approach to Migrant Labor Rights Enforcement”, Labor Studies Journal Vol. 40 No. 1, 2015, pp. 42-44.
[6] Bureau of International Labor Affairs, Joint Ministerial Declaration on Migrant Workers Signed by US Secretary of Labor, Mexican Secretary of Labor and Social Welfare, April 3, 2014.
[7] SRE, Derechos Laborales de Personas Mexicanas en el Extranjero: Semana de Derechos Laborales en Estados Unidos, Datos Abiertos.
[8] Okano-Heijmans, Maaike and Price, Caspar, “Providing consular services to low-skilled migrant workers: partnerships that care”, Global Affairs, Vol. 5 No. 4-5, 2019, p. 436.
[9] See, for example Bada, Xóchitl, and Gleeson, Shannon. “A New Approach to Migrant Labor Rights Enforcement”, Labor Studies Journal, Vol. 40 No. 1, 2015, 32-53
[10] Græger, Nina, and Leira, Halvard, “Introduction: The Duty of Care in International Relations” in The Duty of Care in International Relations: Protecting citizens beyond the border, eds. Nina Græger, and Halvard Leira, 2019, p. 3.
[11] Bada, Xóchitl, and Gleeson, Shannon, 2015, p. 45.

DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer, or company.

Table 1. Summary of results of the Labor Rights Week 2009-2021

 
On September 2, 2021, this blog celebrated its first anniversary. It has been an exhilarating roller-coaster ride, with big ups, deep downs, and sharp turns. It has been quite an experience!
 
First, let’s talk about the big ups.
 
Learning a new skill is always challenging but doing it alone in the midst of a pandemic turned out to be a highlight. Never in the history of humankind learning something new has been so easy. From watching tutorials to reading blogs about blogs, the only requirement is time and perseverance. Of course, a good internet connection and a decent computer are essential nowadays.
 
Besides, you can now set up a blog or webpage in minutes using website builders’ platforms—no need for coding or SEO expertise. Choose and click, and you are done in minutes. In addition, today´s online trends are moving towards the intensive use of visuals, so I became a graphic designer with the help of online services such as Canva.
 
However, as always, nothing is as easy as it seems, and you can get stuck very quickly, so never underestimate the value of an expert.
 
The acme of this year has been writing about topics that I am passionate about that hopefully could be interesting to someone. Some of the ideas for the posts have been in my mind for a very long time, but I did not have the platform to publish them either an instant to create them.
 
It also has allowed me to connect with persons and ideas that otherwise could have been impossible. And some exciting opportunities rose too!
 
Now, the deep downs.
 
As in any roller-coaster ride, the car rises slowly to the top, and then it flies towards the bottom in nanoseconds. Sometimes, blogging felt exactly like that!
 
Technology can facilitate almost everything, but once you are stuck, there is no way out. So, even after a year, I must confess that I am still struggling with some issues as basic as how to embed the link into a Twitter post.
 
Another issue has been the topics of the blog. While public diplomacy continues to expand rapidly in the academic realm and real-world practices, issues related to consular diplomacy have not moved a lot in recent years. Even Google SEO tools know that very few persons worldwide are searching the web for the term consular diplomacy!
 
The life of a budding learner without institutional links and passwords can be brutal; like a child with no money outside a candy store, you can see them but cannot eat them. Fortunately, I have been able to get some books and articles as a professor or sometimes have to pay. There are so many things open access, but there is still much more behind the paywalls of publishing mammoths. And if you are curious as I am, it can turn to be quite frustrating.
 
And there is also the issue of the almost insurmountable language barriers. One of the reasons I write the blog in English is because some of the accomplishments and experiences of Mexico are not known beyond my colleagues. But, by doing these, I am keeping people that do not speak it.  As a compromise, I write in another platform a summary of my blogpost in Spanish.
 
There are always sharp turns in a roller-coaster.
 
Even the best-laid plan can turn south. When I write a blog post, I have an idea of the theme, but it gets complicated as I read and write, so there are sharp turns everywhere. Writers-block does exist, but not in the way I imagined!
 
Besides, life does not stop, so there are too many distractions, particularly when the specific blogpost is turning to be a hassle. The pantheon of dead blogposts ideas in my computer is proliferating rapidly.
 
And there are always surprises! A post that did not take much time could be a hit, while the most-researched piece, a big miss. Even a Twitter post that was written in a rush could outperform a supposedly well-though one. You just never know.
 
A year of blogging has been an exhilarating roller-coaster ride, and who does not like a good one?

 
When there is a new term linked to diplomacy every day, it is not surprising to learn about the emergence of corporate diplomacy.
 
The rise of corporate diplomacy could make some scholars uncomfortable, as it is not a government-led activity to achieve a foreign policy goal, e.g., traditional diplomacy. I don´t think it can pass the test proposed by Katharina E. Höne of the DiploFoundation to distinguish imposters from real diplomatic tools, as the reader will see at the end of this post.[i]
 
In previous blog posts, I wrote about this issue, "New" Diplomatic Tools: Imposter Diplomacy or the Real Deal? and Consular Diplomacy: Cinderella no more, but not yet a princess.
 
However, in the expanding concept of diplomacy, where non-state actors now participate in the international arena, the idea of businesses adopting some diplomatic practices is intriguing.
 
Two trends in the corporate world international engagement: Either too powerful or not influential
 
Currently, there are two overlapping trends regarding the engagement of corporations in global governance. On the one hand, there is the rise of the powerful tech giants,[ii] while on the other, most Multinational Corporations (MNC) do not participate directly in world affairs´ decision-making.
 
On the one hand, some argue that tech companies are very different from other types of corporations, as they “govern the spaces they control. And by developing new technologies that are deployed as platforms, they can govern entirely new spaces before national governments are even aware that a new governor has emerged.”[iii]
 
Because of the tech giant’s role as emerging influential global actors, now a few countries, such as Denmark, have named Tech Ambassadors to implement their nation´s Technological Diplomacy -TechPlomacy-.[iv]
 
An example of the growing power of tech companies is the permanent suspension of several social media accounts to a seating president, no less of the US.
 
On the other hand, some experts, like Andrew F. Cooper, Jorge Heine, and Ramesh Thakur in the introductory essay of The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy, ascertain that MNC are not a part of the global governance discussions and “deserve a seat at the table and a voice in the room commensurate with their role and influence.”[v]
 
One reason behind the businesses´ lack of international power or influence could be that no single or unifying international business organization represents all companies, from tech giants to micro-enterprises. There is a myriad of industry-wide associations across the globe that focuses solely on their home country and a few that are genuinely bilateral.
 
In some multilateral gatherings like G20 and APEC, certain business leaders attend, but they do not participate in the negotiation of central issues. Most corporate involvement in world governance is in an advisory capacity without the power to decide the outcome.
 
But, let´s not be mistaken. Companies are not powerless in the international arena. They do partake in global affairs, but via their countries´ domestic politics and their government´s involvement in international affairs. However, the corporations’ interests are not the same as the authorities´, so businesses´ power and positions in global affairs do not reflect their significance.
 
Besides, nation-states have lost the monopoly of international engagement. At the same time, companies gained a certain degree of autonomy from the “home” country and got involved in “state-like” actions such as environmental protection, community development, and even private maritime security.[vi]
 
What is Corporate Diplomacy?
 
All these circumstances have resulted in the emergence of corporate diplomacy. Not long ago, as part of the country´s commercial diplomacy, MNC worked closely with their home governments in promoting trade and investment. Nowadays, businesses engage directly with foreign officials and are adopting certain diplomatic practices.
 
In the book Diplomacia Corporativa, Manuel Alejandro Egea Medrano, María Concepción Parra Meroño and Gonzalo Wandosell Fernández de Bobadilla walk the reader through the rise of corporate diplomacy and its instruments. Their work is focused on Spain´s experiences but includes examples from other parts of the world.
 
In the book´s first section, the authors explain the growing importance of reputation and credibility in world politics and the ascent of Public Diplomacy. I enjoy reading it, and now I have a better understanding of its relevance in today´s international affairs.
 
Coming from an IR/Diplomacy background, reading Diplomacia Corporativa was very interesting because I learned about all the tools and ideas developed by business scholars and applied by corporations about the importance and value of the companies´ reputation. In part, this is what Nation-branding is.
 
John Chipman in “Why your Company Needs a Foreign Policy” indicates that geopolitical risks, power changes in the international system, and economic sanctions demand businesses to have a company foreign policy that includes corporate diplomacy and geopolitical due diligence. [vii]
 
Today, civil society around the globe is making MNC accountable for their products' sources, even when it is the supplier of the company´s provider. And a crisis can ensue in a second via social media.
 
The authors of Diplomacia Corporativa use the definition of corporate diplomacy as the

   “Instrument framed in a corporate foreign policy that allows  generating favorable setting for the company’s interests through the effective management of political influence and its repercussion on the host society, as a result of State´s diplomacy typical mechanisms that grant the company an institutional role and more legitimacy to operate,  which  leads to a competitive advantage.”[viii]
 
For IR students, corporate diplomacy could be a source of job opportunities, but they need to make sure that they understand both the private and diplomatic worlds to be successful. It is also an avenue for retired members of foreign services to share their diplomatic expertise and know-how.
 
Does corporate diplomacy is imposter diplomacy?
 
To know if corporate diplomacy is imposter diplomacy, Katharina E. Höne proposed that “in order to tell the imposter from the innovator, we need to look closely at diplomacy as a practice, its relation to the state, and the purposes of these new diplomacies.” [ix]
 
In terms of the state's participation in corporate diplomacy, there is none, except for being on the other side of their lobbying activities, as regulators. However, as mentioned above, MNC are adopting some of the government's roles, such as protecting the environment, overseeing regional development, and providing security.
 
For me, diplomacy must be conducted by the government to fulfill its role. However, it is an interesting concept with some technics that diplomats could use, especially in public diplomacy strategies.
 
Regarding the diplomatic practice, it seems that corporate diplomacy performs the traditional functions of representation, negotiation, and communication. Therefore, even if the government is not involved, it could be considered a new tool of international engagement by a non-state actor.
 
Lastly, the ultimate goal of corporate diplomacy is to gain a competitive advantage in every country the company has interests and is part of a corporate foreign policy, so it fulfills the idea that to be diplomacy has to look for to achieve a foreign policy goal. The fact that is a non-state actor´s foreign policy rather than a government is the distinction.
 
Overall, I don´t think corporate diplomacy is a real diplomatic tool, and another term should be used to define this new way for companies to engage in foreign countries. Of course, using the term diplomacy helps people to identify the activity in the international arena. Still, it could lead to confusion regarding the government´s role and the ultimate objectives of this instrument.
 
To conclude, I think that one of the most striking features of corporate diplomacy is the adoption of diplomatic practices and tools for the company to survive and thrive in a globalized world.
 
By implementing these types of activities, maybe businesses worldwide would finally have a direct seat at the table rather than go through their governments. The new international role of companies could be a good or a bad thing, depending on how it is executed and should be accompanied by seating vulnerable people at the table, which generally are the most affected by any change in the international arena and by corporates decisions.
 
I believe there should be a greater dialogue between corporations and diplomats to learn from each other and take advantage of new techniques and policies that can help both achieve their goals.


[i] Höne, Katharina E., “Would the Real Diplomacy Please Stand Up!”, DiploFoundation Blog, June 30, 2017.
[ii] The commonly referred U.S. tech giants are Alphabet (Google); Amazon; Apple; Facebook and Microsoft. Besides, there are the three Chinese tech giants Alibaba, Baidu, and Tencent.
[iii] Blumental, Paul, “Big tech companies are so powerful that a Nation sent an Ambassador to them”, Huffington Post, June 23, 2018.
[iv] See, for example Strategy for Denmark’s Tech diplomacy 2021-2023.
[v] Cooper, Andrew F., Heine, Jorge, and Thakur, Ramesh, “Introduction: The Challenges of 21st-Century Diplomacy” in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy, 2013, p. 12.
[vi] Egea Medrano, Manuel Alejandro, Parra Meroño, María Concepción, and Férnandez de Bobadilla, Gonzalo Wandosell, Diplomacia Corporativa, 2017, p. 32.
[vii] Chipman, John. “Why your Company Needs a Foreign Policy”, Harvard Business Review, September 2016.
[viii] Authors translation from Spanish. Egea Medrano, Manuel Alejandro, Poder e influencia para operar en mercados internacionales: la diplomacia corporativa como herramienta de dirección estratégica. Tesis Doctoral, UCAM, 2016, cited in Egea Medrano, Manuel Alejandro, Parra Meroño, María Concepción, and Fernández de Bobadilla, Gonzalo Wandosell, Diplomacia Corporativa, 2017, p. 62.
[ix] Höne, Katharina E., 2017.

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