Welcome to the blog about
Consular and Public Diplomacies
Consular and Public Diplomacies
Book review 8: “The meaning of a special relation: Mexico´s relationship with Texas in the light of California´s experience” (Chp. 12) in Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s Era.
After reviewing the TRICAMEX consular coordination program developed in South Texas, and discussing the Transborder Consular Diplomacy experience of CaliBaja between Southern California and Baja California, I think is advisable to examine the chapter written by Ambassador Carlos González Gutiérrez titled “The meaning of a special relation: Mexico´s relationship with Texas in the light of California´s experience”.
Ambassador González Gutiérrez had a first-hand experience of the differences between the two giants. He was the Consul General of Mexico in Sacramento, California, and later in Austin, Texas, the two States' capitals.
It is not an exaggeration to say that what happens in the Golden State and the Lone Star State has a similar impact on Mexico and its community in the U.S. as the bilateral relationship in Washington and Mexico City.
These two heavy-weights were once part of Mexico, as I mentioned in my post about the Origins of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy. For most of history, they had comparable approaches to Mexico and the Mexican community living there. However, in the 1990s, while Texas had a pragmatical approach, California´s electorate approved the ballot initiative Proposition 187 in 1994.
Both States coincided in 2001, as the two enacted legislation to offer in-state tuition to undocumented persons who graduated from local high schools. But, as the reader will see in the chapter´s review, from there, their positions about immigration issues have significantly diverged. While the Golden State has promoted welcoming immigration policies, the Lone Star State has become the spearhead of the anti-immigrant movement in the U.S.
Before moving forward, there is an important caveat that applies across the United States. Even though each State´s policies and the society´s attitudes towards immigrants are very different, not all is black or white, but many shades of gray, or I should say red and blue.
Rural and ex-suburbs areas of the Golden State have the same negative sentiments towards immigrants as in any part of the Lone Star State. However, Texan cities such as Dallas, Houston, and San Antonio, and even border towns as El Paso and Brownsville are as welcoming to foreigners, particularly Mexicans, as California as a whole. You just have to see a county electoral map in both states to understand this situation.
Figure 1 includes a comparative chart of some of the differences between the two States mentioned by Ambassador González Gutiérrez in his chapter, which will help comprehend better the situation in both States.
So, let´s start with the review.
The Ambassador declares that his essay's objective is to explore the relationship between Mexico and Texas in trade and migration while comparing it with California´s links with Mexico. He also analyzes the short and long-term perspectives of the Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Texas.[i]
While describing the similarities and differences of Mexico's relationships and the Golden and the Lone Star States, González Gutiérrez pinpoints the origins of the very different roads that both states have taken regarding immigration. The Ambassador indicates that “if the Latino electorate in Texas were as relevant as is in California, it is less likely that Texas would promote with the same vigor a restrictive agenda regarding immigration.”[ii]
As the reader will learn, the chapter is a vital contribution to understanding different paths that both States have taken concerning their immigrant communities. The Ambassador uncovers Texas´ disassociation between the reality of the migrants' relevance to the States´ prosperity and its anti-immigrant discourse and policies.[iii]
González Gutiérrez substantiates comparing Mexico´s relationship with California and Texas because they are the two largest States, and both have the closest links to our country. Besides, the two represent the opposites of the U.S. ideological spectrum and reveal very different political cultures.[iv]
The Ambassador implies that California and Texas´s different immigration paths resulted from a significant increase of Hispanics in Texas (60.4%), compared to California (38.9%) from 2000 to 2015.[v]
The changes in foreign-born were also dissimilar. From 1990 to 2000, the foreign-born population grew by 37.2% in the Golden State, while from 2000 to 2018, only 19.9%. The numbers are superior in the Lone Star State, so from 1990 to 2000, it increased by 90% and 2000-2018 by 70%.[vi] I think there was a similar growth of anti-immigrant attitudes in places where new immigrants arrived recently.
Additionally, from 2009 to 2014, as a result of the economic crisis, the number of undocumented Mexicans fell 190,000 in the Golden State while the numbers remained the same in the Lone Star State.[vii]
Afterward, González Gutiérrez describes how California and Texas responded to immigration challenges. He starts explaining that in 2001 the two legislatures approved in-state tuition for undocumented youth. For the Golden State was the beginning of several pro-immigrant bills, while in Texas, it was outlier legislation and soon turned into the anti-immigrant field.[viii]
While California inaugurated the era of anti-immigrant policies with Proposition 187 in 1994, later on, after taking over the control of the legislature and the governor´s office, the State embarked on an integrative agenda for migrants, enacting several laws, such as;
Meanwhile, from a practical perspective on immigration with then-governor George W. Bush, Texas became the anti-immigrant movement forerunner in the United States with Governor Greg Abbott and the enactment of the SB4 law in 2017.[x]
The Ambassador explains that this movement resulted from the total control that the Republican party has of the State´s government and the need for getting the support of hard-core primary voters.[xi]
He pinpoints the move to a more radical position as a result of Governor Perry´s presidential aspirations. He was the one that first sent Texan Rangers to guard the border, arguing the failure to do so by the federal (Obama) government.[xii]
In the section titled “A special relationship with Mexico?”, González Gutiérrez tries to explain Texas´ contradictory position about its southern neighbor, considering that it has a very close trade and economic relation while implementing anti-immigrant policies directed mainly against Mexicans.[xiii]-
As previously mentioned, he elucidates that the elections occur in the primaries. Politicians prefer short-term gains for their support, even if this means alienating part of the Latino community or against the State´s economic interests.[xiv]
The Ambassador does not think that Texas will follow California on immigration issues because labor unions in the Lone Star State are not as strong as the Golden State. Also, the political distance between the two parties in California was narrower than the one in Texas.[xv] Besides, both States' political cultures are very different, and “it would be a mistake to assume that Latinos in the two are ideological alike just because they have the same ethnicity.”[xvi]
In the last part of the chapter, the Ambassador evaluates Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy in Texas. He explains that the eleven consulates of Mexico in Texas have to deal with a “cognitive dissonance”, between the excellent trade partnership and its “Mexican bashing”.[xvii]
González Gutiérrez depicts the Texan business sector's effort thru the Texas Mexico Trade Coalition to defend NAFTA, while State politicians remained on the sidelines for a while. It was not until the Coalition lobbied them when they publicly supported free trade with Mexico and Canada.[xviii]
He asserts that Texas's special relation is limited and has not crossed over to additional bilateral concerns. It has not developed into regional-transborder arrangements such as the links between Baja California and California in CaliBaja, or the Arizona-Mexico/Sonora-Arizona Commission.[xix] Sadly, I think, the State with the most extensive shared border “there are no fora, commissions nor periodical meeting with the authorities of the four Mexican border states.”[xx]
Moreover, the Ambassador indicates that describing the situation at the border as a war zone does not help either. It is beneficial for getting funds or the signing of anti-immigrant bills. Still, it encumbers focusing on the bilateral relations' positive topics, such as economic development or the construction of binational infrastructure projects.[xxi]
González Gutiérrez recommends that Mexico has to take advantage of Texas mobilization in support of NAFTA. Besides, the consulates need to assist in renewing old collaboration schemes or establishing new ones such as binational business and majors meetings.[xxii]
At the same time, he declares the relevance of launching a Public Diplomacy strategy to highlight the contributions of Mexican migrants to the Lone Star State in public discussions.[xxiii]
The Ambassador concludes that Mexico must cultivate a permanent dialogue with the Texas government to celebrate economic integration and be aware of the gap between reality and the public discourse.[xxiv]
González Gutiérrez introduces an exciting idea that the consulate's work contributes to mitigating U.S. government institutions' absence responsible for facilitating new immigrants' integration. This idea is in line with what Francisco Javier Díaz de Léon and Víctor Peláez Millán described as the empowerment of the Mexican Community in their book´s chapter.
Why is it worth reading?
The chapter summarizes very well the different paths that the Golden and the Lone Star States have taken regarding immigrant issues. The Ambassador distinguishes some of the reasons this has happened, which helps comprehend the country's current situation.
He also identifies areas of opportunities for Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy, particularly in closing the gap between reality and the public discourse in the Lone Star State. The Ambassador indicates that Texas offers a few advantages than other States, like its economic integration, the shared challenges at the border, and the growing Mexican population.
I believe that if Mexico finds a way to work with Texas on this issue and promote greater collaboration in bilateral matters, it could lead the path to transform the current anti-immigrant attitudes and policies in other parts of the United States. To achieve this goal, I think Mexico would need to have a laser-focus Public/Consular Diplomacy long-lasting strategy, with a specific component that targets rural communities across the Lone Star State.
It is interesting to reflect that the Consular Diplomacy of a country is the paradiplomacy of the other country´s State and local authorities. In this regard, this chapter contributes to the concept of Consular Diplomacy by incorporating the idea of paradiplomacy into its frame. Most of the consulates diplomatic activities are targeted toward state and local audiences. Of course, it has to consider the national context and the overall bilateral relation to be successful.
By scrutinizing California and Texas trade and immigration stances and Mexico´s strategy, Ambassador González Gutiérrez encompasses paradiplomacy into Consular Diplomacy. This notion is relevant as both ideas are the different sides of the same coin.
I also think that Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy in the United States had to adapt to the country´s patchwork of multiple, sometimes significantly different, federal, state, county, and authorities and policies. In the chapter, California and Texas's example proves very useful to see this characteristic and the need to have a flexible Consular Diplomacy.
[i] González Gutiérrez, Carlos, “El significado de una relación especial: Las relaciones de México con Texas a la luz de su experiencia en California” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en Tiempos de Trump, 2018, p. 254.
[ii] Ibid. p. 255.
[iii] Ibid. p. 264.
[iv] Ibid. p. 254.
[v] Ibid. p. 259.
[vi] Migration Policy Institute, “California, Demographics and Social” and “Texas, Demographics and Social”
[vii] Ibid. p. 258.
[viii] Ibid. p. 259-262.
[ix] Ibid. p. 262.
[x] Ibid. p. 261.
[xi] Ibid. p. 263.
[xii] Ibid. p. 260-261.
[xiii] Ibid. p. 262-264.
[xiv] Ibid. p. 263.
[xv] Ibid. p. 263.
[xvi] Ibid. p. 263-264.
[xvii] Ibid. p. 264.
[xviii] Ibid. p. 264.
[xix] The official name in English is Arizona-Mexico Commission, while in Spanish is the Comisión Sonora-Arizona.
[xx] González Gutiérrez, Carlos, Ibid. p. 265.
[xxi] Ibid. p. 265.
[xxii] Ibid. p. 265.
[xxiii] Ibid. p. 265.
[xxiv] Ibid. p. 265.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer, or company.
BOOK REVIEW 7: “The role of Consular Diplomacy in a transborder context: The case of CaliBaja” (Chp 13) in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en Tiempos de Trump.
In this post, I will review the last chapter of the book "The role of Consular Diplomacy in a transborder context: The case of CaliBaja", written by Ambassador Marcela Celorio.
Note: I will use the term CaliBaja as presented in this chapter, e.g. CaliBaja rather than Cali Baja or Calibaja.
I am skipping a few chapters because I believe the CaliBaja example is the other side of the coin of the TRICAMEX mechanism that I reviewed in this post.
In this chapter, Celorio puts forward a very different experience from the other corner of the Mexico – U.S. Border: CaliBaja, a bi-national mega-region, which stands for California-Baja California. The Ambassador also discussed an example of what she defines as Transborder Consular Diplomacy.
The CaliBaja initiative started in 2006-2007 and was officially launched in 2011. It comprises local and county authorities along the border between the two states but is mainly focused on the Tijuana-San Diego axis.
There is even a website about the mega-region calibaja.net. It is the most-advance bilateral collaboration scheme along the nearly 2,000 miles of the shared border.
As seen in the previous review, TRICAMEX comprises four consulates, focusing on immigration issues. At the same time, CaliBaja is a business-lead scheme that concentrates on trade and economic development.
Ambassador Celorio divided the chapter into three:
In the introduction, the Ambassador states that the borderland is a strategic area. The challenges and opportunities faced by the Mexican Consular Diplomacy are different from those in other regions such as the U.S. East Coast or the Midwest.[i]
Some of the challenges and opportunities at the border include:
Celorio explains that to administer and develop the border, authorities at the federal, state, county, and local levels on both sides have undertaken numerous activities, some unilateral and others bilateral. Some have been institutionalized like the NADBank, and some did not last very long. These actions' success or failure depends on their capacity to respond to the border communities' needs.[iii]
She explains that in the case of the San Diego- Tijuana border communities, their collaboration has expanded thru the years and now includes all municipalities of Baja California, along with California's border counties, including many cities.[iv] As a result, the private sector has visualized this cooperation as a mega-region and created the term CaliBaja.[v]
Ambassador Celorio explains that even though "the international border divides the people living on both sides, there are all types of factors that unite them and make them interdependent."[vi]
Among different elements that unite border communities, she highlights the following three:
i) a binational community that crosses international boundaries daily,
ii) the need to mutually solve transborder problems, and
iii) a strong economic and labor interdependence that is the basis of the region's entire population's well-being.[vii]
Celorio recognizes that CaliBaja's success "…relies on the vision of its inhabitants, business persons and authorities, who have accepted the identity of a mega-region…",[viii] that happens to be located in two different countries.
The Ambassador ascertains that being on the outskirts of power in both countries became a competitive advantage, establishing local communication channels that allow to self-define as a binational mega-region.[ix]
For example, she writes about the Cross Border Xpress's uniqueness, a pedestrian bridge that connects Tijuana's airport with San Diego, transforming it into a binational airport.
2. The consular function in a transborder context.
In this section, the Ambassador describes the particularities of a consular office located on the Mexico-U.S. border. She goes beyond the traditional definition of a consular district and explains how the Consulate General of Mexico in San Diego is more than just a regular consular office. Celorio details the consulate's work with Mexican authorities and labels these activities as Transborder Consular Diplomacy.[x]
Celorio explains that "Mexican consular offices have transformed from a simple service agency to an effective diplomatic representation of Mexico in its consular district."[xi] And when the consulate is located at the border, such as the one in San Diego, the consular office transcends its legal definition, and it becomes some sort of a transborder consulate.[xii]
The Ambassador indicates that the Mexican Consulate in San Diego is a transborder consulate that performs double duties: Mexico's government spokesperson while being involved in local and CaliBaja issues abroad.[xiii] She presents three concrete examples of these transborder responsibilities: binational sewage administration, education collaboration, and crisis management.[xiv]
3. Consular Diplomacy efforts during Trump's Administration.
Ambassador Celorio explains that the role of the consulates of Mexico in the U.S. has expanded into new areas with the purpose of empowering the Mexican community so they can fully integrate into the host society.[xv] She refers to this "consular activity with a prominent focus on diplomatic and social issues" as Consular Diplomacy.[xvi]
A significant contribution of this chapter is the definition of Consular Diplomacy, which refers "to the handling of international relations via peripheric organizations (consulates) -in their consular districts-, with local authorities, the host society, and its migrant community to protect their rights and improve their well-being."[xvii]
In Trump's era, the Ambassador indicates that Mexico has recognized Consular Diplomacy as one of its foreign policy main advantages to protect its national interests and the ones of its community living abroad.[xviii]
In the case of CaliBaja, the Transborder Consular Diplomacy is executed in the context of a highly intimate cooperation between authorities on both sides of the border. And these authorities and society have responded to Washington's policies by putting first the regional and border community interests.[xix]
As an example of the Transborder Consular Diplomacy, Celorio describes the participation of the San Diego consulate in the binational border security meetings, Custom and Border Protection's (CBP) leadership training, and the consular office inside CBPs facility at the San Ysidro Point of Entry.[xx]
For me, the participation of border consulates in the binational border security meetings is a perfect example of Consular Diplomacy as defined by Maaike Okano-Heijmans in "Change in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy,"
Consular officers participate in local meetings that deal with federal and diplomatic issues and negotiate with U.S. federal authorities in their areas of responsibility. The head offices at the capitals do not intervene or participate directly. Still, the meetings nourish the bilateral dialogue at the federal level not only between the Embassy and the Ministry with DHS but with other national stakeholders. Something similar happens with the collaboration on labor issues, particularly the Semana de Derechos Laborales (SDL) or Labor Rights Week.
Ambassador Celerio closes her chapter, stating that no country can overcome alone the social and economic challenges of the 21st century. In some parts of the world, society and the government have decided to enhance efforts and create regions to meet the current reality competitively. The success of the bilateral relationship in the CaliBaja mega-region exemplifies how the Mexico-U.S. border is a source of prosperity and opportunity for both countries.[xxi]
Why read this chapter?
In this paper, Ambassador Celorio identifies the benefits of Consular Diplomacy regarding local issues that impact the overall bilateral relationship. CaliBaja is a significant development as they define themselves as binational and include trade to exchanges and crisis management.
Besides, she states that the Transborder Consular Diplomacy helps create a prosperous, secure, and competitive region. "It is a diplomacy that adds not lessens, that helps to tear down walls and build more bridges and that recognizes that Mexico and the U.S. are more interdependent and are more integrated every day, particularly in the CaliBaja mega-region.[xxii]
I believe that the CaliBaja initiative has many layers that have not yet been studied. For example, one is the issue of Place Branding of a binational mega-region and its impact on the overall Nation Brand. Another one is how a mega-region like CaliBaja can support the exercise of Soft Power in a localized way. Can the region's Soft Power overcome the two countries' unflattering characteristics?
Ambassador Celorio introduces an innovative definition of Consular Diplomacy that goes beyond local issues and transcends borders, which helps develop the concept as practiced by Mexico's consular offices across the United. States.
[i] Celorio, Marcela, “El papel de la diplomacia consular en el contexto transfronterizo: el caso de la CaliBaja" in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en los tiempos de Trump, 2018, p. 271.
[ii] Ibid. p. 271-272.
[iii] Ibid. p. 272.
[iv] The CaliBaja mega-region has a population of 6.5 million people and a GDP of 250 billion dollars. Ibid. p 274.
[v] Ibid. p. 273.
[vi] Ibid. p. 273.
[vii] Ibid. p. 274.
[viii] Ibid. p. 275.
[ix] Ibid. p. 275.
[x] Ibid. p. 277.
[xi] Ibid. p. 276.
[xii] Ibid. p. 277.
[xiii] Ibid. p. 277.
[xiv] Ibid. p. 278.
[xv] Ibid. p. 279.
[xvi] Ibid. p. 279.
[xvii] Ibid. p. 280.
[xviii] Ibid. p. 280.
[xix] Ibid. p. 281.
[xx] Ibid. p. 281.
[xxi] Ibid. p. 283.
[xxii] Ibid. p. 284-284.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer, or company.
BOOK REVIEW 6: “The synergies with other communities: the case of TRICAMEX” (Chp. 7) of La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en Tiempos de Trump.
This post will review the chapter “The synergies with other communities: The case of TRICAMEX,” written by Jorge A. Schiavon and Guillermo Ordorica R. of the book Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s Era.
TRICAMEX stands for mecanismo de concertación Triángulo del Norte de Centroamérica y México or “Central America Northern Triangle and Mexico consular consultation program.”
It is an innovative way to implement the Consular Diplomacy of the four countries involved (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico), which started in McAllen, Texas, in December 2015.
According to Maaike Okano-Heijmans, a scholar of the Clingadndale Institute, one form of Consular Diplomacy is when “Governments attach increasing important to and are becoming more involved in consular affairs at the practical as well as policy levels”[i] that entails from the negotiation of agreements about consular affairs to the exchange of best consular practices and cooperation on the ground. TRICAMEX fulfills completely this description of what Consular Diplomacy is, as you will see.
I believe that the negotiation of an agreement between the consulates of Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico in McAllen, Texas, was a critical step forward for broader collaboration and the exchange of best practices. However, what stands out was the four governments' interest to expand this mechanism across the U.S. and include the topic in their formal bilateral and regional diplomatic agendas. It is a clear example of Consular Diplomacy.
I estimate that Schiavon and Ordorica's work is the first academic analysis of TRICAMEX, as I could not find any other besides official press releases and some news about the group's activities in different cities (See the list at the bottom of the post). This is one of the reasons why this paper is a valuable contribution to the study of Consular Diplomacy.
In this chapter, Schiavon and Ordorica describe the origins of TRICAMEX and its activities, focusing on two areas: consular protection and community engagement. Besides, they propose new collaboration areas, such as the “Coordinated Consular Protection (Protección Consular Coordinada).
The two authors incorporate a novel idea: “minilateralism”, described as a new way of collaboration between a reduced number of countries to solve shared challenges that can turn into crises.[ii]
Schiavon and Ordorica view TRICAMEX as an excellent example of minilateralism on immigration issues by consular offices in the United States.[iii]
The chapter is divided into five parts. In the first section, they explain the immigration context that resulted in the establishment of new consulates of Honduras and El Salvador in McAllen.[iv]
In December 2015, the four consulates signed a joint declaration establishing the consular consultation program “to exchange best practices and promote Consular Diplomacy initiatives, to strengthen the dialogue with public and private stakeholders involved in the care of their immigrant communities.”[v]
This local initiative got the attention of the capitals of the four countries. In December 2016,[vi] the four countries' ministries of foreign affairs decided to expand TRICAMEX to other U.S. cities.[vii]
In the chapter´s second segment, the authors describe that TRICAMEX McAllen “held frequently meeting with social and community organizations, academic institutions, leaders, and authorities interested in immigration issues. Because of it, all involved actors better understand the consular work and display their interest in improving outreach mechanisms, collaborations, and the information exchanges…”[viii]
Schiavon and Ordorica present an example of the greater collaboration the consular activities related to the Missing Migrant Initiative. The four consulates elaborated a single survey to encourage the localization of missing persons. Additionally, Mexico offered the other consulates the use of its consular protection calling center (Centro de Información y Atención a Mexicanos -CIAM-) to search for lost people.[ix]
For the Central American consulates, TRICAMEX McAllen was also a conduit with Mexican authorities, including the State of Tamaulipas and the city of Reynosa.[x]
Internally, the mechanism provided opportunities for training and exchanges of best practices.[xi] For example, the Inter-American Development Bank organized a training seminar in Mexico City that later was replicated in many consular offices of the Northern Triangle across the U.S.[xii]
Besides, they work together in supporting vulnerable populations such as migrant women and unaccompanied minors. As part of this collaboration, Mexico shared the Protocol for the consular care of unaccompanied migrant children and adolescents, created with the support of UNICEF Mexico.[xiii]
The authors also list other examples of collaboration, including meetings with the President of Guatemala in April 2016 and a U.S. office representative of the International Organization of the Red Cross.[xiv]
In the area of community affairs, TRICAMEX McAllen opened channels of communication with different organizations and leaders. Mexico shared with the Central American consulates some community affairs programs instrumented by the Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (IME), including the Ventanilla de Atención Integral para la Mujer or “Initiative for the Comprehensive Care of Women” -VAIM-.[xv]
In the chapter`s fourth part, Schiavon and Ordorica identify that TRICAMEX McAllen is gradually expanding into the political and social spheres. The first focused on local authorities and the second on the business community. The goal is to multiple channels of communication with key players in favor of the immigrant community and promote development in the home countries.[xvi]
The authors conclude their chapter stating that there is room for TRICAMEX to grow into a Proteccion Consular Conjunta (Joint Consular Protection).[xvii] They analyze International and Regional Laws, saying that there are no legal obstacles to provide consular assistance to persons of other nationalities.
This chapter is worth reading because, as I mentioned before, it is the first academic paper about this consular initiative. It is also interesting since the authors demonstrate that Consular Diplomacy can also be a multilateral effort by different countries with shared challenges.
TRICAMEX proves that minilateral Consular Diplomacy can be developed, and furthermore, can have successful outcomes benefiting their communities and the participating countries. Examples of concrete collaborations, as the Missing Migrant Initiative, shows the benefits of working together.
Besides, it reiterates some of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy characteristics, such as establishing partnerships with like-minded organizations, institutions, and persons; its adaptability and innovative approaches; and its willingness to share experiences, policies, and best practices with other countries.
For more information about TRICAMEX, see (organized by date)
Estrada, Priscilla, “Consulate group Tricamex celebrates one year of success”, Valley Central, December 6, 2016. (In English)
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, December 14, 2016. (In Spanish)
Consulado General de México en Chicago, Press Release, December 20, 2016. (In Spanish)
Consulado de México en McAllen, TRICAMEX McAllen 2017 Quarterly Bulletin (4). (In Spanish)
Dirección de Asuntos Consulares, “Experiencia del espacio de coordinación local TRICAMEX, para la Protección Consular”, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, June 2018. (In Spanish)
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, July 10, 2018. (In English)
“Border Patrol operations, TRICAMEX fly over Rio Grande Valley” in Homeland Preparedness News, July 24, 2018. (In English)
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Remarks by Foreign Affairs Ministry, October 11, 2018. (In English)
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, October 30, 2018. (In English)
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores y Cooperación Internacional de Honduras, Press Release, October 8, 2018. (In Spanish)
Smith, Molly, “Formed in the wake of 2014 migrant crisis, consular group faces familiar challenges”, in The Monitor, November 29, 2018. (In English)
Inter-American Development Bank, “IDB trains officials from Central America Northern Triangle”, December 20, 2018. (In English)
Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Guatemala, Press Release, September 2, 2020. (In Spanish)
[i] Okano-Heijmans, Maaike, “Change in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy”, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ´Clingendael´, February 2010, p. 2.
[ii] Schiavon, Jorge A., and Ordorica R., Guillermo, “Las sinergias con otras comunidades: el caso de TRICAMEX” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en los tiempos de Trump, 2018, p. 185.
[iii] Ibid. p. 185.
[iv] Ibid. p. 189-192.
[v] Ibid. p. 186.
[vi] This action took place in December 2016, a month after the election of Donald Trump as president. See Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, December 14, 2016. (In Spanish)
[vii] Ibid. p. 186.
[viii] Ibid. p. 189.
[ix] Ibid. p. 190.
[x] Ibid. p. 190.
[xi] Ibid. p. 191.
[xii] Inter-American Development Bank, “IDB trains officials from Central America Northern Triangle”, December 20, 2018.
[xiii] For a brief description of protocol´s origins and its benefits, see Gallo, Karla, “En el camino hacia la protección integral de la niñez migrante, UNICEF México Blog, August 21, 2019.
[xiv] Ibid. p. 192.
[xv] I will write a post about the VAIM later. For a brief description of the program click here, or read Gómez Maganda Guadalupe, and Kerber Palma, Alicia, “Atención con perspectiva de género para las comunidades mexicanas en el exterior” in Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, No. 107, May-August 2016, pp 185-202, and the doctoral dissertation of Martha Eréndira Montejano Hernández of 2018.
[xvi] Ibid. p. 194.
[xvii] Ibid. p. 199.
DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.
Rodrigo Márquez Lartigue
Diplomat interested in the development of Consular and Public Diplomacies.