 This post will review the chapter “The synergies with other communities: The case of TRICAMEX,” written by Jorge A. Schiavon and Guillermo Ordorica R. of the book Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s Era. TRICAMEX stands for mecanismo de concertación Triángulo del Norte de Centroamérica y México or “Central America Northern Triangle and Mexico consular consultation program.” It is an innovative way to implement the Consular Diplomacy of the four countries involved (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico), which started in McAllen, Texas, in December 2015. According to Maaike Okano-Heijmans, a scholar of the Clingadndale Institute, one form of Consular Diplomacy is when “Governments attach increasing important to and are becoming more involved in consular affairs at the practical as well as policy levels”[i] that entails from the negotiation of agreements about consular affairs to the exchange of best consular practices and cooperation on the ground. TRICAMEX fulfills completely this description of what Consular Diplomacy is, as you will see. I believe that the negotiation of an agreement between the consulates of Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico in McAllen, Texas, was a critical step forward for broader collaboration and the exchange of best practices. However, what stands out was the four governments' interest to expand this mechanism across the U.S. and include the topic in their formal bilateral and regional diplomatic agendas. It is a clear example of Consular Diplomacy. I estimate that Schiavon and Ordorica's work is the first academic analysis of TRICAMEX, as I could not find any other besides official press releases and some news about the group's activities in different cities (See the list at the bottom of the post). This is one of the reasons why this paper is a valuable contribution to the study of Consular Diplomacy. In this chapter, Schiavon and Ordorica describe the origins of TRICAMEX and its activities, focusing on two areas: consular protection and community engagement. Besides, they propose new collaboration areas, such as the “Coordinated Consular Protection (Protección Consular Coordinada). The two authors incorporate a novel idea: “minilateralism”, described as a new way of collaboration between a reduced number of countries to solve shared challenges that can turn into crises.[ii] Schiavon and Ordorica view TRICAMEX as an excellent example of minilateralism on immigration issues by consular offices in the United States.[iii] The chapter is divided into five parts. In the first section, they explain the immigration context that resulted in the establishment of new consulates of Honduras and El Salvador in McAllen.[iv] In December 2015, the four consulates signed a joint declaration establishing the consular consultation program “to exchange best practices and promote Consular Diplomacy initiatives, to strengthen the dialogue with public and private stakeholders involved in the care of their immigrant communities.”[v] This local initiative got the attention of the capitals of the four countries. In December 2016,[vi] the four countries' ministries of foreign affairs decided to expand TRICAMEX to other U.S. cities.[vii] In the chapter´s second segment, the authors describe that TRICAMEX McAllen “held frequently meeting with social and community organizations, academic institutions, leaders, and authorities interested in immigration issues. Because of it, all involved actors better understand the consular work and display their interest in improving outreach mechanisms, collaborations, and the information exchanges…”[viii] Schiavon and Ordorica present an example of the greater collaboration the consular activities related to the Missing Migrant Initiative. The four consulates elaborated a single survey to encourage the localization of missing persons. Additionally, Mexico offered the other consulates the use of its consular protection calling center (Centro de Información y Atención a Mexicanos -CIAM-) to search for lost people.[ix] For the Central American consulates, TRICAMEX McAllen was also a conduit with Mexican authorities, including the State of Tamaulipas and the city of Reynosa.[x] Internally, the mechanism provided opportunities for training and exchanges of best practices.[xi] For example, the Inter-American Development Bank organized a training seminar in Mexico City that later was replicated in many consular offices of the Northern Triangle across the U.S.[xii] Besides, they work together in supporting vulnerable populations such as migrant women and unaccompanied minors. As part of this collaboration, Mexico shared the Protocol for the consular care of unaccompanied migrant children and adolescents, created with the support of UNICEF Mexico.[xiii] The authors also list other examples of collaboration, including meetings with the President of Guatemala in April 2016 and a U.S. office representative of the International Organization of the Red Cross.[xiv] In the area of community affairs, TRICAMEX McAllen opened channels of communication with different organizations and leaders. Mexico shared with the Central American consulates some community affairs programs instrumented by the Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (IME), including the Ventanilla de Atención Integral para la Mujer or “Initiative for the Comprehensive Care of Women” -VAIM-.[xv] In the chapter`s fourth part, Schiavon and Ordorica identify that TRICAMEX McAllen is gradually expanding into the political and social spheres. The first focused on local authorities and the second on the business community. The goal is to multiple channels of communication with key players in favor of the immigrant community and promote development in the home countries.[xvi] The authors conclude their chapter stating that there is room for TRICAMEX to grow into a Proteccion Consular Conjunta (Joint Consular Protection).[xvii] They analyze International and Regional Laws, saying that there are no legal obstacles to provide consular assistance to persons of other nationalities. This chapter is worth reading because, as I mentioned before, it is the first academic paper about this consular initiative. It is also interesting since the authors demonstrate that Consular Diplomacy can also be a multilateral effort by different countries with shared challenges. TRICAMEX proves that minilateral Consular Diplomacy can be developed, and furthermore, can have successful outcomes benefiting their communities and the participating countries. Examples of concrete collaborations, as the Missing Migrant Initiative, shows the benefits of working together. Besides, it reiterates some of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy characteristics, such as establishing partnerships with like-minded organizations, institutions, and persons; its adaptability and innovative approaches; and its willingness to share experiences, policies, and best practices with other countries. For more information about TRICAMEX, see (organized by date) Estrada, Priscilla, “Consulate group Tricamex celebrates one year of success”, Valley Central, December 6, 2016. (In English) Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, December 14, 2016. (In Spanish) Consulado General de México en Chicago, Press Release, December 20, 2016. (In Spanish) Consulado de México en McAllen, TRICAMEX McAllen 2017 Quarterly Bulletin (4). (In Spanish) Dirección de Asuntos Consulares, “Experiencia del espacio de coordinación local TRICAMEX, para la Protección Consular”, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador, June 2018. (In Spanish) Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, July 10, 2018. (In English) “Border Patrol operations, TRICAMEX fly over Rio Grande Valley” in Homeland Preparedness News, July 24, 2018. (In English) Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Remarks by Foreign Affairs Ministry, October 11, 2018. (In English) Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, October 30, 2018. (In English) Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores y Cooperación Internacional de Honduras, Press Release, October 8, 2018. (In Spanish) Smith, Molly, “Formed in the wake of 2014 migrant crisis, consular group faces familiar challenges”, in The Monitor, November 29, 2018. (In English) Inter-American Development Bank, “IDB trains officials from Central America Northern Triangle”, December 20, 2018. (In English) Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Guatemala, Press Release, September 2, 2020. (In Spanish) [i] Okano-Heijmans, Maaike, “Change in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy”, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ´Clingendael´, February 2010, p. 2. [ii] Schiavon, Jorge A., and Ordorica R., Guillermo, “Las sinergias con otras comunidades: el caso de TRICAMEX” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en los tiempos de Trump, 2018, p. 185. [iii] Ibid. p. 185. [iv] Ibid. p. 189-192. [v] Ibid. p. 186. [vi] This action took place in December 2016, a month after the election of Donald Trump as president. See Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Press Release, December 14, 2016. (In Spanish) [vii] Ibid. p. 186. [viii] Ibid. p. 189. [ix] Ibid. p. 190. [x] Ibid. p. 190. [xi] Ibid. p. 191. [xii] Inter-American Development Bank, “IDB trains officials from Central America Northern Triangle”, December 20, 2018. [xiii] For a brief description of protocol´s origins and its benefits, see Gallo, Karla, “En el camino hacia la protección integral de la niñez migrante, UNICEF México Blog, August 21, 2019. [xiv] Ibid. p. 192. [xv] I will write a post about the VAIM later. For a brief description of the program click here, or read Gómez Maganda Guadalupe, and Kerber Palma, Alicia, “Atención con perspectiva de género para las comunidades mexicanas en el exterior” in Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior, No. 107, May-August 2016, pp 185-202, and the doctoral dissertation of Martha Eréndira Montejano Hernández of 2018. [xvi] Ibid. p. 194. [xvii] Ibid. p. 199. DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.
0 Comments
 In the last couple of days, I have been reading the spectacular book Antología Protección Consular a Mexicanos en los Estados Unidos 1849-1900, written by Ángela Moyano Pahissa. After the author reviewed what I think must have been thousands of official documents and correspondence written by consuls of Mexico, the Mexican delegation in Washington, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, she divided the book into five chapters that deal with specific problems:
In each, Moyano Pahissa included a selection of official documents that reflect the ideas, challenges, and solutions regarding these specific problems that resulted from the Mexico - U.S. War of 1846-1848 and the loss of half of its territory. It is incredible to read that some of them have not changed since then. After reading the book, I now better understand the colossal influence that the annexation to the U.S. of the former Mexican territory had on the Mexicans living in those lands and the development of Mexico’s Consular Diplomacy. From having to ratify their land ownership through a complicated and unfair process, to the need to decide in a year the nationality they wanted to have, Mexicans suffered greatly in the United States after 1848. Besides, there was a direct attack not only against their culture but themselves. “Some historians state that in the decade from 1850 to 1860, Anglo-Americans lynched between three to four thousand Mexicans of a total population of ten thousand.”[i] The systematic loss of property rights, in violation of Article VIII of the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty, had significant consequences for Mexicans. Even though property requirements to be able to vote were almost eliminated by then, payment of taxes was still a common requirement to vote, thus limiting their possibility to participate in politics and influence policies. Therefore, Mexico’s government had to enhance the defense of its nationals’ rights north of the border, including the establishment of consular offices in places that before was its own country. Back then, Consuls of Mexico had to respond to information requests by the President’s office about high profile cases reported in the press, when they involved Mexicans, either as victims or as perpetrators. They also presented complaints to U.S. authorities for the delay in court cases, the imposition of high cash bail amounts, or extended detention periods. Mexican consular agents also had to be in constant communications with local and state authorities and the Mexican community, creating cooperation networks. Border consulates had additional challenges like smuggling and attacks on Mexican communities by outlaws, and tribes. If all this sounds similar to what Maaike Okano-Heijmans, a scholar of the Clingendael Institute, described as Consular Diplomacy in “Change in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy,” is because it is! The loss of property rights, the problem of questionable citizenship, the attack on Mexican culture and people, combined with widespread discrimination that Mexicans faced after 1848 in the lost territories, catapulted the government of Mexico to develop an incipient Consular Diplomacy, way before it was the norm across the world.[i] Some of the characteristics of today´s Mexican Consular Diplomacy developed during this period, such as:
[i] Moyano, Pahissa, Ángela, Antología Protección Consular a Mexicanos en los Estados Unidos 1849-1900, México, 1989, p. 113. [i] Heijmans, Maaike and Melissen, Jan in Foreign Ministries and the Rising Challenge of Consular Affairs: Cinderella in the Limelight, Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, June 7, 2006, p. 4. DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer, or company.  In the chapter “Consular Diplomacy in the face of U.S. demography and society in the 21st Century,” of the book La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempo de Trump, Ambassador Juan Carlos Mendoza Sánchez explains that demography changes in the United States have resulted in the expansion of nativist movements and anti-immigrant sentiments amongst the white population. He also details Trump´s changes to immigration policies and Mexico´s response to these challenges thru the implantation of an active and innovative Consular Diplomacy. In the section titled “A new demography face that scares the WASP sector,” the Ambassador pinpoints June 18, 2003, as a milestone because it was the day when the Latino community in the U.S. reached 38.8 million turning into the first minority, overpassing the Afro-American population.[i] As a result, alarms rang amongst the conservative white people, and their response to this “invasion” was the creation and expansion of nativist and anti-immigrant policies. Mendoza Sánchez details the history of anti-immigrant regulations in the U.S., starting from infamous California´s Proposition 187 of 1994 to Samuel Huntington´s book Who are we?[ii] Latino population's fast growth in the U.S. resulted in being the majority group in 30 cities, so the Ambassador states that “it is not unfounded the white-population fears of becoming a minority in their own country [and that fear] have slowly developed into anti-immigrant sentiments, and policies to make the U.S. unattractive to those who live there.”[iii] Donald Trump`s presidency is just a new and more radical chapter in the U.S. immigration policy. In the second part of the chapter, Ambassador Mendoza Sánchez explains that it was a radical change in the designation of undocumented migrants as threats to national security and public safety in two Executive Orders signed by the President. He also details some of the multiple changes to immigration policies, guidelines, and enforcement operations to criminalize undocumented immigration, with a particular focus on Mexico´s border and the Latino population.[iv] Another significant change was the end of enforcement priorities; thus, turning every single undocumented immigrant a target. Considering the existence of three million of mixed households meant the possibility of massive deportation that would have tremendous social consequences in the U.S. consequences of the new enforcement guidelines.[v] In the section “New challenges for Mexican Consular Diplomacy,” Mendoza Sánchez emphasizes that immigration policy changes have a direct impact on Mexicans in the U.S. It presents one of the biggest challenges to Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy. He identifies ten of them, but here I only include six:
The Ambassador highlights that there are more Mexican with immigration status than undocumented ones, for the first time in ages.[vii] This fact is unknown in the U.S. and contradicts the current anti-immigrant rhetoric that most Mexicans are undocumented. He explains that undocumented persons tend to live in sanctuary cities, and the implementation of policies to limit resources to those authorities will affect them.[viii] Fortunately, it has not been occurred yet, mostly thru lawsuits. Mendoza Sánchez writes that the Mexican community's geographical dispersion across the U.S. is one of the biggest challenges for consulates that cover large territories. The Mexican government's response was the establishment of the Mobile Consulate program that in the 21st century expanded into the Consulado sobre Ruedas (Consulate on Wheels) initiative.[ix] These activities were crucial for assisting vulnerable Mexicans after Trump´s inauguration.[x] Additionally, he identifies that “developing synergies with pro-immigrant organizations, authorities, other countries’ consulates, and minority groups is one of the most effective activities for consulates under the current circumstances.”[xi] Consular Diplomacy in action. In response to the enhanced anti-immigrant context, the government of Mexico designed a Consular Diplomacy strategy that contained three main activities:
He briefly explains the FAMEU program implemented in 2017 that had a 50 million dollar extraordinary budget. He briefly mentions Local Repatriation Arrangements[xiii] that help Border consulates in the orderly and humanly repatriation of Mexican nationals.[xiv] These arrangements are a clear example of Maaike Okano-Heijmans´ Consular Diplomacy definition because they are “diplomatic” in nature but are negotiated, signed, and implemented locally. Then the Ambassador explains five different programs part of Mexico`s Consular Diplomacy: a)Protection to Mexicans Abroad Innovations (Innovaciones en la proteccion a mexicanos).
d)Education Opportunities Window (Ventanilla de Oportunidades Educativas). e)Promotion of preventive health among migrants (Promoción de la salud preventiva de los migrantes). Even though Mendoza Sánchez briefly describes each program, I do not include them here. In Figure 1, located at the end of the post, you can find a summary. All of them are innovative consular undertakings of Mexico`s Consular Diplomacy, which some countries are replicating. Most of them are unique and lay outside the traditional consular services offered by most ministries of foreign affairs to their citizens abroad. Four of the five programs highlighted by Ambassador Mendoza Sánchez are under the responsibilities of the Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (Institute of Mexicans Abroad).[xv] I would like to share an extraordinary achievement of one of them: la Ventanilla de Salud or Health Window. In 2017, the American States Organization granted the “Inter-American Award on Innovation for Effective Public Management” to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Health of Mexico for the Health Window program in the Social Inclusion category. That year the Health Windows at the consular network provided 5.2 million services to 1.7 million people.[xvi] Conclusion. The chapter is interesting to read as the Ambassador summarizes the origins of the Anglo-American population's growing resentment against immigrants and minorities. He explains that “for the WASP community, the country´s demographic change is a challenge to their way of life, values, and identity; therefore, the hardening of U.S. immigration policies.”[xvii] Mendoza Sánchez states that “to face this new reality, the Mexican Consular Diplomacy has engaged in the largest mobilization of its history with extraordinary programs… [with] the objectives of defending undocumented Mexican migrants´ rights and interests, and supporting them for better integration into their host communities.”[xviii] He also describes some of Consular Diplomacy´s most-forward-looking programs developed to take care of the Mexican community's needs during difficult times. The Ambassador recommends the following:
In this chapter, Ambassador Mendoza Sánchez implicitly highlights one of the essential features of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy: its adaptability and scalability. As seen in Figure 1, most of the programs described in the chapter started in one or two consulates. After having good results, they were slowly expanded into a country-wide operation at all 50 consulates, and sometimes in other countries with large Mexican populations. [i] Mendoza Sánchez, Juan Carlos, “La diplomacia consular ante la demografía y la sociedad de Estados Unidos en el siglo XXI” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempos de Trump, Rafael Fernández de Castro (coord.), Mexico, 2018, p. 154. [ii] Ibid. p. 154-155. [iii] Ibid. p. 157-158. [iv] Ibid. p. 159. [v] Ibid. p. 161. [vi] Ibid. 163. [vii] Ibid. p. 164. [viii] Ibid. p. 165. [ix] Ibid. p. 165-166 [x] Ibid. p. 165 [xi] Ibid. p. 167. [xii] Ibid. p. 168. [xiii] The LRAs are signed by the Consulates of Mexico and DHS agencies. Border LRAs also include the participation of the National Migration Institute of Mexico. Find a public version of the 9 border LRAs here. [xiv] Ibid. p. 169-170. [xv] To learn more about Mexico`s government engagement with its diaspora, read the multiple publications of Alexandra Delano included in Google Scholar. See also Revista Mexicana de Política Exterior # 107 Comunidades Mexicanas en el Exterior, May-August 2016; de Cossío Díaz, Roger, et al., Mexicanos en el Exterior: Trayectoria y perspectivas 1990-2010, Instituto Matías Romero, 2010; Laglagaron, Laura, Protection through Integration: The Mexican Government Efforts to Aid Migrants in the United States, Migration Policy Institute, January 2010; and Rannveig Mendoza, Dovelyn and Kathleen Newland, Developing a Road Map for Engaging Diasporas in Development: A Handbook for Policymakers and Practitioners in Home and Host Countries, International Organization for Migration and Migration Policy Institute, 2012. [xvi] Ibid. p. 179. [xvii] Ibid. p. 180. [xviii] Ibid. p. 180. [xix] Ibid. p. 181. DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.   In this post I analyze the chapter “Mexico´s Integral Consular Management in the United States” written by Francisco Javier Díaz de León and Víctor Peláez Millán of the book La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempos de Trump (Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s era). In this chapter, Díaz de León and Peláez Millán evaluate Mexico’s comprehensive consular administration in the United States. They conclude that even though it has been able to face challenges and adapt to new circumstances, it lacks a long-term strategic vision. The chapter is divided into three sections:
In the first section, Díaz de León and Peláez Millán analyze the political context and the Mexican community’s conditions during Donald Trump’s presidency. They highlight the permanent fear experienced by Mexicans, particularly those undocumented, as a result of the aggressive Anti-immigrant and Anti-Mexican rhetoric and policies, at all levels, including some segments of U.S. society. The authors identify the “legitimacy of bullying” against Mexicans across the nation, starting from the White House. Following the President’s lead, many local, county, and state authorities and politicians presented anti-immigrant actions to curb immigration. Simultaneously, the authors indicate that “the Mexican diaspora is not alone; it has the support of a wide range of organizations and collaboration networks of civil rights and pro-immigration groups, legal representation, community development, [and] educational, health and financial services providers…”[i] This support is the result of the work of the 50 Mexican consulates that, since 1990, included community affairs activities to the traditional protection and documentation services.[ii] Recognizing this new situation, in early 2017, the government of Mexico authorized more than 50 million dollars to implement the new strategy entitled Fortalecimiento para la Atención a Mexicanos en Estados Unidos (Strengthened Assistance to Mexicans in the United States), also referred to as FAMEU. Its objective was to support the Mexican community in the United States during these trying times.[iii] Some of the strategy results in 2017 were the establishment of the Centros de Defensoría (Legal Defense Centers) that provided advice to more than 580,000 people and offered legal assistance and representation to 29,000 Mexicans.[iv] Besides, the Centro de Información y Asistencia a Mexicanos (CIAM), Mexico’s 24 hours consular assistance calling center, received nearly 300,000 phone calls, and the Ventanilla de Asesoría Financiera (Financial Advice Desk) benefitted more than 124,000 Mexicans.[v] 2. Integral Consular Diplomacy Management. In the chapter’s second part, Díaz de León and Peláez Millán explain that the consulates of Mexico have a comprehensive work that includes three areas: protection, documentation services, and community affairs, also know as the consular tripod. The authors incorporate to the concept of Mexico’s Consular Diplomacy additional objectives: improve the Mexican community’s well-being and promote their empowerment and inclusion to the host society.[vi] This is an extra element to the Consular Diplomacy ideas that Daniel Hernández Joseph and Reyna Torres Mendivil present in their book’s respective chapters. Díaz de León and Peláez Millán explain that in recent years, the consular network executed an innovation process to improve the quality of its services.[vii] Some of the results were:
Nevertheless, the authors recognize lagging areas, such as training, budget planning, computing equipment, and administrative systems’ reengineering.[ix] Díaz de León and Peláez Millán state that it is indispensable to identify ways to improve and maximize the use of available resources in addition to work with new partners. It will allow the consulates to respond to the immediate needs of the Mexican community while focusing on the strategic goal of promoting their empowerment and integration.[x] 3. Areas of opportunities: Strategic Vision of Mexico’s comprehensive consular management. Regarding areas of opportunities, the authors of the chapter distinguish the following three: a) Assuming a proactive role in the construction of a favorable ecosystem for the Mexican Diaspora. b) Establishing a systematic outreach mechanism towards the 23 million Mexican-American. c) Strengthening the consulate’s political activities that will add value to Mexico’s Consular Diplomacy. The critical element is to incorporate these prospects and the consular services improvement process into a long-term strategic vision that will allow the consulate to achieve the overall foreign policy objectives proactively. Díaz de León and Peláez Millán conclude that the Mexican community appreciates and trusts the Mexican consular network.[xi] Also, Mexico’s Consular Diplomacy enjoys “the legitimacy and credibility to confront the current challenges and take advantage of the opportunities, regardless of U.S. immigration policies and activities.”[xii] Its most significant challenge is to develop a far-reaching plan to benefit the Mexican community north of the border. This reading is a valuable contribution to the concept of the Consular Diplomacy of Mexico as the authors incorporate the Mexican Community’s empowerment as one of its goals. It also poses two crucial questions: a) How to maximize available resources assigned to its consular network? b) How to attract other relevant actors to collaborate in these efforts? Their answer could be the path for the much needed long-term strategic vision. Besides, it is also significant because Díaz de León and Peláez Millán identify three areas of opportunity which could be implemented to continue the transformation of the consular services and programs offered by Mexican consulates in the U.S. [i] Díaz de León, Francisco Javier and Peláez Millán, Victor, “Mexico´s Integral Consular Management in the United States” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempos de Trump, Rafael Fernández de Castro (coord.), Mexico, 2018, p. 131. [ii] Ibid. p. 131. [iii] Ibid. [iv] Ibid. p. 132. [v] Ibid. p. 133. [vi] Ibid. [vii] This is similar to other country´s consular services modernization initiatives, as referred by Heijmans, Maaike and Melissen, Jan, in Foreign Ministries and the Rising Challenge of Consular Affairs: Cinderella in the Limelight, Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, June 7, 2006, p. 7. [viii] Ibid. p. 136. [ix] Ibid. p. 137. [x] Ibid. p. 137-138. [xi] Ibid. p. 148. [xii] Ibid. p. 147. DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer or company.  In this chapter of the book La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempos de Trump (Mexican Consular Diplomacy in Trump´s Era), Ambassador Daniel Hernández Joseph makes an excellent overview of Mexico’s diplomacy confronting the ever-changing immigration issue in the United States. He identifies elements, as he calls them, that worked well in the past, and some that they did not, that could be used in responding to the challenge that Trump´s administration presents.
Hernández Joseph does a brilliant job of synthesizing the most critical periods in the history of Mexico-U.S. migration, which includes Mexico´s most relevant actions. He divides the phases as follow:
By focusing on Mexico’s consular protection of its nationals in the U.S., Ambassador Hernández Joseph highlights the attributes of the rising Consular Diplomacy: its relevance to the country´s overall foreign policy goals and its increase visibility. Therefore, this chapter is valuable as it presents the evolution of the concept of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy. He explains some of Mexico´s challenges regarding immigration policies and attitudes in the United States, such as the 1930s massive deportation of Mexicans, and the period of bilateral agreements like the Bracero program, that ran from 1942 until 1964. The Ambassador acknowledges the value of the two-way dialogue and the importance of agreements, even if there is no full compliance. Hernández Joseph also recognizes the government of Mexico´s efforts to promote the empowerment of the Mexican community north of the border, indicating that it is one of the critical elements of its Consular Diplomacy. Ambassador Hernández Joseph also acknowledges that an area where Mexico has not succeeded is in improving its image in the United States; notably, it has failed in attaining the recognition by the U.S. society of the contributions made by the Mexican community to the country´s wellbeing.[ii] From Mexico´s previous experiences, the Ambassador identifies four elements that helped the country defend its interests in the United States:
I agree that these four lessons are essential tools that could be displayed to confront the current anti-immigrant movement in the United States, as part of Mexico´s Consular Diplomacy. To conclude, Ambassador Hernández Joseph states that in “…today´s environment, the biggest challenge is to make that the bilateral dialogue effectively results in benefits and protection of the interests of the migrants.”[iv] As we can see, Mexico´s practice of Consular Diplomacy is broader and deeper than the recognized definition of the term described by Maaike Okano-Heijmans.[v] In this case, as a country that has a large population living overseas, migration bilateral negotiations and issues are the core of its Consular Diplomacy efforts. And it is essential to remember that the agreements and actions have to be brought to the operational level by each consulate. It is remarkable to realize that some of these activities that are now considered Consular Diplomacy were already being implemented by the consulates of Mexico in the United States a century ago. So we need a reevaluation of these activities in light of this new academic framework. An exciting twist about Consular Diplomacy that needs to be further explored is that while the center of the actions is to assist and protect its own citizens abroad, most of the consular activities are undertaken via partnerships with local organizations, authorities, and citizens of the host country. So here we have a case of Public Diplomacy with the foreign policy objective of helping its nationals overseas, with the support of local actors. I recommend this chapter because it presents a summary of Mexico´s consular protection activities in the United States and identifies lessons for today´s Consular Diplomacy challenges. [i] Hernández Joseph, Daniel, “Lecciones de la protección consular para la diplomacia consular” in La Diplomacia Consular Mexicana en tiempos de Trump, 2018 p. 92-95. [ii] Hernández Joseph, Daniel, “Lecciones”, 2018 p. 103. [iii] Hernández Joseph, Daniel, Ibid. p. 103-105. [iv] Hernández Joseph, Daniel, Ibid. p. 105. [v] See previous post on Consular Diplomacy LINK and Okano-Heijmans, Maaike, “Change in Consular Assistance and the Emergence of Consular Diplomacy”, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ´Clingendael´, February 2010, p.1. DISCLAIMER: All views expressed on this blog are that of the author and do not represent the opinions of any other authority, agency, organization, employer, or company. 
|
Rodrigo Márquez LartigueDiplomat interested in the development of Consular and Public Diplomacies. Archives
September 2024
Categories
All
|
